Peru, The Drug Business And Shining Path: Between Scytta And Charybdis?

1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 65-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Scott Palmer

In Just 20 Years Peru has shifted from beacon of hope to basket case. As late as the mid-1970s, Peru's reformist military government (1968-1980) appeared to offer significant possibilities for economic and political development (defined as improved distribution of income and greater participation by the citizenry). From 1940 to 1975, economic growth and low inflation had been the norm. A major agrarian reform during the military docenio (12-year rule) created production cooperatives nation wide; the industrial community gave workers a meaningful management role in the operation of their firms. Both stirred the imagination of many Peruvians and the academic community alike.

1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pilar Vergara

The economic and social strategy developed by the democratic governments in Chile since 1990 has been based on the premise that free-market policies promoting growth and economic stability must continue, but should be combined with social policies designed to promote greater equality. This new set of policies produced quick and positive results in the context of strong economic growth. The reduction of poverty was its crowning achievement. However, not all the Concertación's redistributive efforts have enjoyed the same level of success. Inequalities in income distribution are again increasing. Significant segments of society, such as subsistence farmers, rural migrants to cities, women and youth who lack vocational training—as well as an important segment of the middle class that had been impoverished during the military regime—are being systematically marginalized from the benefits of economic growth and social policy. The fundamental problems of current Chilean social policy are rooted in the privatization of social sectors under the military government and the resulting dual model of social welfare.


Author(s):  
Lee J. Alston ◽  
Marcus André Melo ◽  
Bernardo Mueller ◽  
Carlos Pereira

This chapter discusses the military government and the belief in “developmentalism” which motivated the institutions put in place by the regime. Developmentalism rested on top-down technocratic planning and was a coalition between the military and the business community, both domestic and foreign. Import substitution policies along with state-led industrialization brought economic growth in the late 1960s and into the mid-1970s. But, the Brazilian miracle of the late 1960s and early 1970s began to sputter out, and, moreover, political rights became more constrained. The years of censorship and a closed political system sowed the seeds for a more open political order. Above all, the failure of the expansionist strategy of growth through import substitution accompanied by inflation and external debt became self-evident. Citizens also began to blame the government for not reducing economic and social inequality. The dominant belief that economic growth should precede social inclusion started losing political support.


TEME ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1327
Author(s):  
Dragan Petrović ◽  
Zoran D Stefanović

The paper analyzes the key aspects of economic inequality in the light of conflicting attitudes and arguments of various theoretical and methodological concepts. The conclusions of the empirical studies are outlined and indicate that economic growth is threatened in the conditions of escalation of inequality and the resultant undermining of the stability and efficiency of the economic and institutional system. On the other hand, we also evaluate the findings of those surveys showing that a strong redistribution of income leads to the reduction of the rate of economic growth, emphasizing that inequality is an important feature of the market economy. At the same time, we identify objective difficulties and the causes of insufficiently relevant understanding of problems related to uneven distribution of income, and the key dilemmas regarding the scientific evaluation of the implications of economic inequality are analyzed. It is pointed out that there is a need to distance the academic community from presenting empirically unfounded observations and unjustified exaggerations, as well as underestimating the economic and social challenges of solving the problem of uneven distribution of income. In this context, the results of the researches of economic inequality in the Republic of Serbia were analyzed, with reference to the role, position and orientation of the state in terms of designing and implementing measures aimed at mitigating its consequences on the economy and society.


1971 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 456-474
Author(s):  
John Stephen Gitlitz

On 24 June 1969 the military government of Peru, exercising its de facto power to issue legislation by decree, promulgated a law of agrarian reform. In Latin America legal norms—even radical ones—are not necessarily to be feared. Many countries have agrarian reform laws and in most of these agrarian structures have not been changing rapidly. Indeed, the previous administration in Peru had passed a mild law in 1964, but the hacienda structure of the Peruvian Andes remained virtually intact. Few feared that the new code enacted by the military would present a strong challenge to tradition.Forty-eight hours after its promulgation opinions began to change. The government announced that interventors were being sent to eight of the largest sugar estates on the northern coast. Intervention is the first step toward expropriation. The sugar estates lie at the heart of the Peruvian oligarchy: they were exempt from the 1964 legislation.


2011 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sai Khaing Myo Tun

This article explores the institutionalization of state-led development in Myanmar after 1988 in comparison with Suharto's Indonesia. The analysis centres on the characteristics and theory of developmental states that emerged from the studies of East Asian countries like Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. In Southeast Asia, Suharto's Indonesia was perceived as a successful case and was studied by scholars in line with the characteristics of the developmental state. The Tatmadaw (military) government in Myanmar was believed to follow the model of state-led development in Indonesia under Suharto where the military took the role of establishing economic and political development. However, Myanmar has yet to achieve its goal of building a successful state-led development. Therefore, this paper argues that implementing an efficient and effective institutionalization is essential for a successful state-led development (developmental state) in Myanmar.


1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Silva

Chile’s return to democratic rule with sustained economic growth provided the opportunity for some much-welcomed political space that, it was hoped, would permit the country to attend, at long last, to a number of pressing issues which had been long deferred, if not ignored, by the previous military government. Some of those issues, such as the consolidation of democracy, poverty, and human rights, had been the subject of considerable study by scholars. Much less studied, however, although also on the agenda, was the promise to address Chile’s environmental problems, which had become much exacerbated under the laissez-faire economic model favored by the military regime. Because the new democratic administrations have followed through on that promise, the Chilean example lends support to that hypothesis which holds that environmental concerns in developing countries can be addressed more effectively under economically stable democratic regimes than by authoritarian political systems.


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-100
Author(s):  
Heinz Guradze

Within the last few years, changes have been carried out in the public administration of Germany which will affect the military government to be established during and after Germany's defeat. Their general trend has been to subordinate state (i.e., Reich, regional, and local) administration to the Party, which has been vested with more and more power. This is of particular interest in the light of the present “total mobilization,” in which the Party plays a dominant part. To some extent, the changes discussed in this note show a definite trend toward decentralization, although there has been no actual delegation of powers to smaller units, since all power remained in the hands of the Party—this being, of course, the reason why the Nazis could afford to “decentralize.” On the local level, the reforms aimed at tying together the loosening bonds between the régime and the people. Only the most recent emergency measures of “total mobilization” are touched on in this note.1. Gauarbeitsaemter. When the Reichsanstalt was created in 1927–28, the Reich was organized in 13 economic regions, each having one regional labor office (Landesarbeitsamt). The idea was to establish large economic districts containing various industries so that a crisis in one industry could be absorbed by the labor market of another within the same district, thus creating “ausgleichsfaehige Bezirke.”


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document