Continuity and Change in Political Orientations: A Longitudinal Study of Two Generations

1975 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 1316-1335 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Kent Jennings ◽  
Richard G. Niemi

This paper utilizes a national panel study of two biologically linked generations to study political change and continuity between 1965 and 1973. Four basic processes and combinations thereof are posited: absolute continuity, generational effects, life-cycle effects, and period effects. Data at the aggregate level give strong support for each type of change and continuity progression, depending upon the substantive political orientation examined. There are also strong traces of hybrid effects, especially the combination of period and life-cycle processes acting to propel the younger generation at a faster clip than the older. Over the eight-year span the absolute cleavage between the generations tended to decline, the major exception occurring with respect to specific issues and partisanship. The anomaly of this strain toward convergence in the light of the generation gap controversy is discussed.

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Kent Jennings ◽  
Richard G. Niemi

In this article we take advantage of a two-wave panel study of two biologically-linked generations in order to examine some prevalent conceptions about the persistence of political orientations. The nature of the study design, outlined below, is particularly suited to addressing questions about individual-level continuities as they are affected by life-cycle, generational and historical processes. Our present discussion is geared to the individual level rather than to the aggregate level of continuity and change. Although many of the terms used are the same, and although it is difficult to discuss the one level without recourse to the other, the purposes and the approaches are fundamentally different. Aggregate analysis concerns itself with net movements and with the directionality of these movements. Individual analysis, as used here, concerns itself with the magnitudes of individual-level movements and has only a secondary interest in the direction of these movements.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003329411989990
Author(s):  
Burcu Tekeş ◽  
E. Olcay Imamoğlu ◽  
Fatih Özdemir ◽  
Bengi Öner-Özkan

The aims of this study were to test: (a) the association of political orientations with morality orientations, specified by moral foundations theory, on a sample of young adults from Turkey, representing a collectivistic culture; and (b) the statistically mediating roles of needs for cognition and recognition in the links between political orientation and morality endorsements. According to the results (a) right-wing orientation and need for recognition were associated with all the three binding foundations (i.e., in-group/loyalty, authority/respect, and purity/sanctity); (b) right-wing orientation was associated with binding foundations also indirectly via the role of need for recognition; (c) regarding individualizing foundations, left-wing orientation and need for cognition were associated with fairness/reciprocity, whereas only gender was associated with harm/care; and (d) left-wing orientation was associated with fairness dimension also indirectly via the role of need for cognition. The cultural relevance of moral foundations theory as well as the roles of needs for cognition and recognition are discussed.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 437-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olena Nikolayenko

Abstract. Regime change in Eastern Europe affords an excellent opportunity for investigating linkages between age and politics in times of social turmoil. Using data from three waves of the World Values Survey, this paper explores life cycle, generational and period effects on protest potential in Yeltsin's Russia. The study finds that an individual's position in the life cycle is the strongest predictor of protest potential in the post-communist state. Furthermore, the analysis suggests that citizens socialized during periods of relative socioeconomic stability exhibit the highest protest potential under conditions of uncertainty characteristic of the transition period.Résumé. Les changements de régime en Europe de l'Est permettent d'examiner la relation complexe entre l'âge et la politique pendant les périodes d'instabilité sociale. S'appuyant sur les données de trois vagues du World Values Survey (sondage mondial sur les valeurs), cet article explore l'incidence du cycle de vie, de la génération et de la période sur le potentiel protestataire dans la Russie d'Eltsine. L'étude démontre que la position de l'individu dans le cycle de vie est le plus puissant facteur de prédiction du potentiel protestataire dans la société postcommuniste. En outre, les citoyens socialisés pendant des périodes de relative stabilité socio-économique présentent le potentiel protestataire le plus élevé dans des conditions d'incertitude caractéristiques de la période de transition.


Author(s):  
Bhashkar Mazumder

This article reviews the contributions of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) to the study of intergenerational mobility. The PSID enables researchers to track individuals as they form new households and covers many dimensions of socioeconomic status over large portions of the life cycle, making the data ideal for studying intergenerational mobility. Studies have used PSID data to show that the United States is among the least economically mobile countries among advanced economies. The PSID has been instrumental to understanding various dimensions of intergenerational mobility, including occupation; wealth; education; consumption; health; and group differences by gender, race, and region. Studies using the PSID have also cast light on the mechanisms behind intergenerational persistence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiffany Shin Legendre ◽  
Rodney Warnick ◽  
Melissa Baker

Despite the copious anecdotal evidence available, research only recently examines the multidimensional dynamics associated with underdog brands and their essential, complex place in the business world. This research seeks to better conceptualize, operationalize, and refine the theories and constructs surrounding underdogs. The study conducts two 2 × 2 × 2 quasi-experimental between-subjects design studies to fulfill these objectives. Study 1 is designed to confirm that brand localness needs to be separated from underdog concepts as both brand cues distinctively prompt customers’ purchase activism depending on their political orientations. Study 2 extends the system justification theory by replicating Study 1 using a different context and refining control variables to better understand other potential explanations of customer behavior toward underdog/localness brand cues. The results indicate that brand positioning status and brand localness both have main effects on intent to purchase and willingness to pay a price premium. Furthermore, results find political orientation is an important moderator in determining whether customers purchase underdog brands.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (3) ◽  
pp. 775-791
Author(s):  
PATRICK FOURNIER ◽  
STUART SOROKA ◽  
LILACH NIR

There is a considerable body of work across the social sciences suggesting negativity biases in human attentiveness and decision-making. Recent research suggests that individual variation in negativity biases is correlated with political ideology: persons who have stronger physiological reactions to negative stimuli, this work argues, hold more conservative attitudes. However, such results have mostly been encountered in the United States. Does the link between psychophysiological negativity biases and political ideology apply elsewhere? We answer this question with the most extensive cross-national psychophysiological study to date. Respondents across 17 countries and six continents were exposed to negative and positive televised news reports and static images. Sensors tracked participants’ skin conductance, and a survey captured their left–right political orientation. Analyses performed at three levels of aggregation—respondent-as-a-case, stimuli-as-a-case, and second-by-second time-series—fail to find strong support for the link between negativity biases and political ideology.


1989 ◽  
Vol 108 (5) ◽  
pp. 1577-1588 ◽  
Author(s):  
R Lin ◽  
J W Leone ◽  
R G Cook ◽  
C D Allis

In this study, we have constructed synthetic peptides which are identical to hyperacetylated amino termini of two Tetrahymena core histones (tetra-acetylated H4 and penta-acetylated hv1) and used them to generate polyclonal antibodies specific for acetylated forms (mono-, di-, tri-, etc.) of these histones. Neither of these antisera recognizes histone that is unacetylated. Immunoblotting analyses demonstrate that both transcription-related and deposition-related acetate groups on H4 are recognized by both antisera. In addition, the antiserum raised against penta-acetylated hv1 also recognizes acetylated forms of this variant. Immunofluorescent analyses with both antisera demonstrate that, as expected, histone acetylation is specific to macronuclei (or new macronuclei) at all stages of the life cycle except when micronuclei undergo periods of rapid replication and chromatin assembly. During this time micronuclear staining is also detected. Our results also suggest that transcription-related acetylation begins selectively in new macronuclei immediately after the second postzygotic division. Acetylated histone is not observed in new micronuclei during stages corresponding to anlagen development and, therefore, histone acetylation can be distributed asymmetrically in development. Equally striking is the rapid turnover of acetylated histone in parental macronuclei during the time of their inactivation and elimination from the cell. Taken together, these data lend strong support to the idea that modulation of histone acetylation plays an important role in gene activation and in chromatin assembly.


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