Preconditions of Mayoral Leadership

1972 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 511-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey L. Pressman

Observers of city politics have often stated that political leadership—usually mayoral leadership—is a crucial ingredient in a city's ability to deal with its problems. And studies of successful leaders in urban systems have led to the formulation of a model of the “political entrepreneur” who is adept at accumulating political resources and pyramiding them to gain increased influence. Based on four years of observation of politics in Oakland, California, this study suggests that successful mayoral leadership and resource-pyramiding may be limited by governmental structure, the personality of the mayor, and the nature of the political system.In Oakland, fragmented institutional authority and the council-manager form of government have created obstacles for elected officials. A privately oriented, “nonpolitical” mayor has avoided publicity and has tended to underutilize, rather than pyramid, his resources. Finally, in an amorphous political system characterized by a lack of group and party activity, a mayor is denied both information and support. By examining the ways in which the performance of Oakland's mayor diverges from a model of political leadership, we can identify some of the factors that support or limit such leadership.

Significance This is a crucial step for the government before year-end, together with long-term banking issues and slowing economic recovery. The European Commission has allowed Italy considerable fiscal flexibility; the government promises to start reducing its debt-to-GDP ratio this year. However, the slowdown could delay achieving this goal. Under this scenario, the government has to campaign for the referendum on its Senate reform. A 'yes' vote is key not only for reforming the political system, but the government's survival. Impacts A 'no' outcome would pull Italy into deep uncertainty concerning its political leadership. It would also end Renzi's premiership; a new majority could follow up to the 2018 general election. However, since Renzi is the PD leader, he is unlikely to support a new government; early elections are likely. In case of a 'yes' outcome, Renzi's premiership will be reinforced, marking a turning point to his declining popularity.


Daedalus ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 145 (3) ◽  
pp. 8-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nannerl O. Keohane

The goal of this essay is to clarify the relationship between leadership and equality as two essential constitutive factors of a democratic political system. The essay is motivated by concern about increasing inequalities in the political system of the United States and other countries that describe themselves as democracies. The first section notes the logical tension between leadership and equality, and spells out my understanding of the key terms I use in this essay. I show how the tension between leadership and equality poses a conundrum for democratic governance. Yet the crux of my argument is that profound socioeconomic inequalities pose the more basic threat. I identify disparities in power, as distinct from leadership, as the root of the problem here. Leadership and power are often conflated. Eliding the differences between the two impedes our understanding of the dilemmas we face. The classical answer to concerns about the abuse of power is to establish institutional constraints on political leadership. Yet good leadership is essential in solving the problems we confront. Because leaders can take significant steps to reduce inequality, leadership and equality are not always in tension. If we are to emerge from our current malaise, we must recognize and draw upon the positive contributions of leadership to efficacious democratic governance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Khadija Murtaza ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

Politics is all about power in a democratic form of government. In a democracy, agitation is the part of politics in the developmental stage of human rights. Agitational politics is a kind of politics which urge the public demands and utilize the public opinion for the sake of specific issue. Sometimes, it would make public violent who acts as attacking the police and damaging the official establishments. Protestors cover the specific area and refuse to move on until their demands are measured by authorities. It affects the working of government institutions and also creates political instability. The main reason behind this, agitational politics, have lack of stout and genuine leadership in Pakistan. Agitational politics is a strategy used by the opposition that indirectly creates a weak situation for democracy. In agitational politics, parties and groups make use of speeches and public opinion to gain public support. This article discusses the dharna politics of 2014 arranged by the rising political party Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf which directly disturb the political activities and also the reason of cancelation of the visit of foreign officials of different countries. This research paper will cover the impacts of agitational politics on the working of the institution. This work also explains that, how sit-in politics damage the state working institutions and also destabilize the democracy. Sometimes it strengthens the political system but most of the time it creates uncertainty in the political environment. It is the utmost scuffle that weakens the civil and national institutions and democracy faces a lot of dares.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 37-56
Author(s):  
Justyna Eska-Mikołajewska

The article presents the issues of the political position of the parliament in one of the largest states of the South Pacific subregion – Papua New Guinea. Shaping its legal and political system, the state profoundly derived from the British practice. This process was initiated in the first decade of the 20th century as a result of Australian rule, which had lasted by that time the state gained its independence in 1975. As a consequence, all the basic features of Westminster democracy were adopted, with the unitary form of government and the unicameral parliament. The analysis allowed to indicate that the character of Papuan democracy has evolved over the years, and therefore some elements of the Westminster model have become inadequate and not very effective. These changes concerned mainly superior state structures, including the parliament. It is a body increasingly controlled by the executive nowadays, that lost its original representative character. In this article, the author has adopted the following research methods: an analysis of legal sources and a critical analysis as well as a descriptive method. The text was divided into three main parts, the introduction and the conclusion.


Author(s):  
Robin Hambleton

Directly elected mayors are on the rise internationally. Enthusiasts for this form of local political leadership claim that it can provide visible, strategic, accountable leadership for cities. Opponents argue that the model concentrates too much power in the hands of one individual, and that it can result in local government decision-making being skewed to serve powerful economic interests. This chapter offers a contribution to this debate. An opening section outlines a way of conceptualising the political space available to place-based leaders. It is then suggested that, in any given locality, there are likely to be different realms of leadership, with players from inside and outside the state making a significant contribution to urban policy making. Three examples of bold and progressive mayoral leadership are then presented in the form of three short cameos: Greater London, UK (in the period 2000-08), Portland, Oregon, USA; and Freiburg, Germany. The comparative discussion of mayoral leadership that follows is structured around three themes: the role of directly elected mayors in expanding place-based power; connecting the realms of place-based leadership and bringing progressive values back into city politics.


1974 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 454-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roderic Ai Camp

There has been little systematic research of any kind on political leadership in Latin America (Welsh, 1970). This omission is regrettable because a study of political leadership indicates what types of men govern the political system, which institutions are most important in the recruitment process, and what careers are demanded of those leaders. In the Mexican political system, where local and national leadership is dependent upon the same organizations for power, studies of local politicians indicate what qualities characterize national elites.The only monograph which is devoted in detail to a study of the backgrounds, origins, and recruitment of political leaders of a single Latin American country is the work of José Luis de Imáz (1970) on Argentina. However, even Imáz's (1970: 13) work makes only passing references to provincial governors, and his conclusions are based on the surprisingly small sample of eighteen governors from three states.


1983 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chong-do Hah ◽  
Frederick. C. Bartol

The study of political leadership has undergone a shift of focus in recent years. Since the late 1960s, political scientists have been increasingly interested in the question of exactly how the persons identified as leaders influence the political process. Two recent studies are critically examined: Paige's, based on a systems or macrolevel approach, concerns itself mainly with leadership as a phenomenon within the context of a political system which acts upon it and upon which it impinges; Burns's, based on a sociopsychological or microlevel approach, emphasizes the interaction between leaders and followers as an engagement of persons with diverse predispositions and motivations. The authors focus on different aspects of the same general set of phenomena, but they share a common goal. Both seek a vehicle on which to move toward a general theory that explains how leadership acts as a causative phenomenon in a polity. The clarification of their differences and complimentariness offers new opportunities for further research, theoretical or descriptive.


2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (49) ◽  
pp. 261-266
Author(s):  
Roman A. EVTEKHOV ◽  

The paper deals with the problems of political style development in the Russian Federation governors' corps. There is few research on the issue of federal subjects heads' political style, which makes it necessary to consider it. The transformation of the democratic governing model in the 90's into a vertical one resulted in the change of the political roles and the participation of governors. In this regard, the modern style of political leadership of Russian governors was developing under the influence of some basic elements of the political system. The article highlights the main characteristic elements under the influence of which the political style of governorship is formed, in particular, institutionalization, professionalization, the significant role of informal ties, the formal responsibility to the population (voters), the lack of opportunities in setting a political agenda, and others.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-75
Author(s):  
M.S. KABATSKY ◽  

The purpose of the article is to study the historical and current state, as well as the transformations occured of the institution of parliamentary monarchy in European states. It is noted, that the institu-tion of the parliamentary monarchy is a diverse complex political and institutional phenomenon, the genesis and formation of which has been gradually developing within the framework of political and historical process, taking into account historical, cultural and ideological characteristics of the Euro-pean region. The author structures the changes that took place in the institution of parliamentary monarchy and demonstrates how this institution manifests itself in the states of the past and in the political system of modern European states with this form of government.


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