Manzhou yuanliu kao and the Formalization of the Manchu Heritage

1987 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 761-790 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Kyle Crossley

During the Qianlong period (1736–95) in China, knowledge of Manchu origins, much of which had been of a folk or informal character, was given documentary institutionalization—that is, incorporation into the Qing (1636–1912) imperial cultural mosaic by the act of writing something official about it. Much but by no means all of Manchu civilization was derived from Jurchen culture (tenth–seventeenth centuries), which was primarily a folk culture in which oral tradition, shamanic ritual, and clan custom were the mainstays of orderly social life. Inseparable from those folk traditions were elements of tribal rule that affected political life in many ways in the Later Jin (1616–35) and early Qing periods. To the extent that Manchu society retained the archaic forms through the Qing era, the folk heritage was brought into conflict with the political institutions and classical traditions of conquered China, especially the emperorship. The history of the Qing court and its relation to the Manchus may be viewed as the aggregate of the processes by which the dynasty attempted to resolve this conflict through formalization of the old culture. In its political aspects this meant the progressive bureaucratization, regulation, and depersonalization of the state in displacement of the personal, diffused authority that had once been vested by tradition in the clans and confederations. In its cultural and ideological facets, it meant the documentation of descent, myth, clan history, and shamanic practice; what had once been various and mystically obscure was now made visible, manageable, and standard.

Author(s):  
Vitaly Melnik

This scientific work was written because the theme of political parties is interesting to me. The reason for my interest in political parties is the relevance of this legal institution. As stated at the outset, it is the political parties that determine the political life of the state, and hence the economic and social life of the country. The purpose of my research is to study the degree of influence of political parties on the economy and social life, in the study of the essence of the influence of political parties on the life of the state. The scientific work examines the history of the emergence and development of political parties in Russia. In scientific work political parties of the Russian Federation, political parties of Latvia are considered, compared and correlated. Political systems of two different countries are compared and correlated. The purpose of this analysis is to identify the General rules and principles of development and existence of political parties.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ahmad El-Sharif

The Late King Hussein’s last Speech from the Throne in 1997 was given amidst public outcry over the outcomes of the parliamentary elections which resulted the triumph tribal figures with regional affiliations after the boycott of most political parties. This brought to public debate the questions of maintain the long-established balance between the several socio-political structures in the political life in Jordan. While the speech can be perceived as a reflection of King Hussein’s vision about ‘Jordanian democracy’, it can also be interpreted as an elaborate scheme to construct the conventional understanding of the exceptionality of Jordan and its socio-political institutions; including democracy. This article discusses the representation of ‘Jordanian democracy’, the state, and the socio-political structures in Jordan as reflected in the Late King’s last speech from the throne (1997). The analytical framework follows a critical metaphor analysis perspective in which all instances of metaphors used to epitomise these issues are primarily acknowledged from there sociocultural context. Herein, the article focuses on revealing the aspect of metaphorical language by which the Late King Hussein legitimizes and, hence, constructs, the prevailing ideology pf the ‘exceptionality’ of Jordan.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Hamsa Kahtan Khalaf

Abstract The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American’s invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy’s process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy’s process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro - active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later.


Author(s):  
Mason W. Moseley

The fifth chapter introduces the case of Argentina, a country where protest has taken root as a common characteristic of everyday political life over the past two decades. The chapter begins by analyzing the history of protest from Carlos Menem’s election in 1989 to the current Fernández de Kirchner government, arguing that it has indeed crystallized as a routine form of political participation in this regime. I attribute this trend to the weakness of political institutions and strength of Argentine civil society: the two pillars of the protest state. I then proceed to utilize survey data and protest events count data to support this argument, demonstrating that not only has protest become more common over the past two decades, but that it has consolidated as a common mode of political voice for Argentine citizens across demographic groups and the political spectrum.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriella Raisza Putri ◽  
Moses Glorino Rumambo Pandin

Book Pancasila Dasar Negara Paripurna is the work of Prof. Dr. Tukiran Taniredja, MM and Prof. Dr. Suyahmo, M.Si. that was written to commemorate and make all Indonesian people aware of the importance of Pancasila as the basis of life of the nation, state, and society. In addition, this book is intended to complete Pancasila as the permanent foundation of the state for the Indonesian nation. This book is presented so that the Indonesian people, especially the millennial generation, can continue the life of the Indonesian people per the precepts of the Pancasila and apply life with Pancasila values as the basis of the Indonesian state. This book was also prepared with the aim of anticipating several phenomena and new ideologies that has entered Indonesia that are incompatible with the Pancasila Ideology after the Reformation Era. Pancasila as the foundation of a complete state should not be forgotten. The current millennial generation is more interested in ideologies from foreign countries that are not following the basis of our country, so this is an important reminder for the millennial generation of the impacts of these foreign ideologies. This book also contains a lot about the 1945 Constitution which hopes that the Indonesian people remember the regulations in it and do not conflict with these regulations.Book Pancasila Dasar Negara Paripurna is aimed at all Indonesian people, especially the millennial generation, who are the generation that will preserve the values of Pancasila. Due to the development of the times, the millennial generation has forgotten the Pancasila ideology as the basis of the Indonesian state. Pancasila now seems to be only a small part of the history of the Indonesian nation because many people do not follow the values of Pancasila and choose other ideologies. In democratic and political life, many people today make Pancasila the fault of all the problems and failures of national and state life. If Pancasila is interpreted and implemented correctly, Pancasila is a solution to the problems and failure of the state in carrying out Indonesian constitutionality.Information about the importance of Pancasila in state, social and national life is presented in a very complete manner. Pancasila is the basis of the state which still cannot be changed or replaced by other ideologies. Apart from being irreversible, Pancasila is the right ideology for Indonesia because the values in Pancasila reflect the customs and culture of the Indonesian people. Pancasila is suitable for a pluralistic society. Indonesia consists of islands that vary from Sabang to Merauke. From these islands, there are significant differences. However, the existence of Pancasila makes it easier for the Indonesian nation to unite and respect each other's differences. In addition, Pancasila is considered the right ideology because Pancasila is the basis for Indonesian society to solve state problems. Pancasila also has high values of democracy and justice, therefore a democratic society that values of human rights can be implemented more easily.The book has many benefits and this review is important. This is because the millennial generation today are increasingly contradicting and forgetting the Pancasila ideology. This book is presented with relevant purposes to overcome the problems of state, national and social life in this era of development. The noble values of Pancasila, which have been forgotten and lost from state life, are beginning to require the revitalization and actualization of Pancasila to be achieved as well as possible. All Indonesian people and millennial generation need to know and interpret Pancasila properly from an early age so that they can continue their constitutional life following the country's foundation, the nation's outlook on life, and the complete national personality.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 136-147

The article focuses on the debates situation of post-soviet modernization and transformation of Azerbaijan. The Azerbaijani economy failed to become a market economy, and remains instead predominantly based on the extraction and sale of oil and natural gas. Cities are being ruralised instead of the urbanization of rural areas. In its turn, industrialization ended together with the Soviet Union. A more or less tangible individualization and fragmentation of social life are not part of the history of post-Soviet Azerbaijan either. The political and economic systems of Azerbaijan are an imitation of a modern state. It is an example of a simulacrum state and a total imitation of modern political institutions and relations. In other words: The political regime in Azerbaijan is a complex of imitative practices, relations and “institutional camouflages” that enable a broad international presentation of Azerbaijan, effectively privatized by a small group of people, as a modern state that exists in reality.


Author(s):  
Joachim Osiński

The author begins with a brief description of the essential political institutions of Iceland, as a republic with a parliamentary cabinet form of government and the special role of the president, arguing with the point of views that Iceland should be seen as a state with a semi-presidential form of government. Describing the political situation before the banking crisis, the author underlines the strong position of the Independence Party, which according to the results of the parliamentary elections (elections in 2007), plays a leading role in the "political life" of the state. The author pays attention to the process of oligarchisation in that party and the informal systems of social-network-based links and pathological links between the worlds of politics and business. Growing since the 90s, the dominance of a few family clans, together with the deregulation and privatization of the economy, led to nepotism and lack of accountability on the part of politicians and business representatives. An expansion of the three largest Icelandic banks Landsbanki, Kaupthing and Glitnir, without any significant criticism and state control, has led to a situation where at the end of 2008 their assets were 10-fold greater than the GDP of Iceland. Loss of confidence in the interbank markets after the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the U.S., caused inhibition of liquidity and consequently the collapse of these banks, eventually acquired by the state. The most spectacular was the collapse of Icesave - the Internet branch of Landsbanki operating in the UK and the Netherlands. The disintegration of the banking system led to a disintegration of the coalition government. Early elections in April 2009, won by the Social Democratic Alliance and the Left-Green Movement, led to the formation of a center-left government of Prime Minister, Ms J. Sigur?ardóttir. The first major action was the government's reorientation of foreign policy and submitting an application for EU membership, and the subsequent arrangement of the debts after the collapse of these banks, reform of the central bank and banking supervisors, the establishment of a parliamentary committee to investigate the banking crisis and identify those responsible, the appointment of a special Prosecutor investigating violations of law during privatization of the banking sector and the actions taken on the eve of the crisis. The article contains the constitutional and legal analysis of the first and second so-called referendum. on Icesave, conducted after the President vetoed a further act concerning Iceland's agreements with its creditors - the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. As a result, residents of Iceland have not agreed to repay debts incurred without any fault on their part and through arrogance, incompetence and greed of the financial elite and the political managers controlling the banking system. This puts into question the country's future membership in the EU. The government, despite the opposition to the proposal made by a vote of no confidence, which fell, still take the difficult decisions associated with the revitalization of the banking system and economy of Iceland and improve its international image.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Maksym A. Bułachtin

Polish Conservatives and Reform of the Electoral Law of Galicia at the Beginning of XXth CenturySummaryThe democratization of the political system of the Austro-Hungary at the turn of XIXth and XXth century accelerated the process of political changes. In these circumstances Polish conservatives were seriously bothered about the possibility of weakening not only the influence of the great land owners on the political life of Galicia but also diminishing of their role in shaping „Polish policy” in the whole monarchy. Moreover they were anxious about loosing the position of the party in the political life. Nevertheless the Cracow conservatives (so called „Stańczycy”) admitted the need for democratization of the political institutions and the necessity of concessions from the side of the hitherto governing elite. At the same time they wanted to shape the planned reform of the legislation regarding election to the State Parliament of Galicia (in Polish Sejm Krajowy Galicji) in a way that it ensured the political influence, and as a consequence the protection of interests, to the land owners and other rich social groups. The conservatives also aimed at the protection of Polish interests in a multinational Galicia. They wanted to ensure to Polish inhabitants a strong representation in the State Parliament as well as to guarantee election interests to the Polish minority in the Eastern part of the country, where the majority was composed of the Ukrainians. They also anticipated the smoothing and gradual solving of conflicts of nationalist nature in the country. Therefore they were ready for concessions towards the Ukrainian national demands.Dissimilarly, the conservatives of the Eastern Galicia (so called „podolacy”) did not want the democratization of the political system. They tried to prevent the mass political movements from strengthening. They were against broadening the representation of the Ukrainians in the State Parliament. These disparities led to a crisis between the two groups of the Polish conservatives at the beginning of the XXth century. The policy of the latter group did not have perspectives therefore they had to reconcile themselves with the principles of the reform prepared during the period maybe „when a Cracow conservative Michał Bobrzyński was the deputy of Galicia”.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey Boyko

ABSTRACTThe political history of Russia and Spain offers an opportunity to compare the measures taken during the transition from an authoritarian to a democratic, maintaining political stability in the state.The state is central to the political system. The stability of the state becomes a key issue for the leaders of the State, for the subjects of political power. Political stability in a democracy requires the preservation of the type of organization of power, which corresponds to the fundamental socioeconomic sentiments and interests of social groups.A political factors of stability belongs the possibility of equal participation in political life for all social strata, in accordance with law and democratic traditions, and the presence of political institutions. The State must be socially and serve the citizen and society. It has been shown that the state should participate in the regulation of the economy and currency. Political stability in the international level is achieved by the multipolar balance and diversity of sovereign states and equitable.RESUMENLa historia política de Rusia y España ofrece una oportunidad para comparar las medidas adoptadas durante la transición de un régimen autoritario a uno democrático, manteniendo la estabilidad política en el Estado. El Estado es un elemento central del sistema político. La estabilidad del Estado se convierte en una cuestión clave para los dirigentes del Estado, para los sujetos del poder político. La estabilidad política en una democracia requiere la preservación del tipo de organización del poder, que corresponde a los sentimientos e intereses fundamentales socioeconómicos de los grupos sociales. A los factores políticos de la estabilidad pertenece la posibilidad de una participación equitativa en la vida política para todos los estratos sociales, en conformidad con el derecho democrático y las tradiciónes, así como la presencia de las instituciones políticas. El Estado debe ser social y servir al ciudadano y a la sociedad. Se ha demostrado que el Estado debe participar en la regulación de la economía y la circulación monetaria. La estabilidad política en el nivel internacional se logra por el equilibrio multipolar y por la diversidad de los Estados soberanos y equitativos.


2020 ◽  
pp. 149-170
Author(s):  
Teo Ballvé

This chapter returns to the fraught relationship between Medellín and Urabá, which in its latest iteration involved an elaborate regional planning effort aimed at creating, once and for all, a meaningful, lasting state presence in the region. This was the Plan Estratégico Urabá–Darién (Urabá–Darién Strategic Plan, or PEUD). The PEUD was the culmination, which is not to say the end, of the long history of frontier making discussed in previous chapters. As a scaled-up version of Medellín's social urbanism, the PEUD was supposed to “finally bring the presence of the state to Urabá once and for all.” It was the latest and one of the more elaborate iterations of the frontier effect. Although the state-building efforts of the PEUD—at least under this official name—started fizzling out in 2016, their effects are written into Urabá's social and physical landscape, becoming yet another layer of the sedimented histories that continue shaping the political life of this frontier zone.


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