scholarly journals The “Memoirs” of Count Münnich

Slavic Review ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 843-852
Author(s):  
David L. Ransel
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Reform ◽  
Political Design ◽  
Russian Publication

Since the first Russian publication of Count B. C. Münnich’s “Memoirs” in 1842 historians have employed them as a useful primary source on eighteenthcentury history. However, the Russian title, Zapiski, is misleading. Münnich was not writing his personal memoirs or even a state memorandum: instead he was offering a proposal for central government reform with an accompanying historical justification. Scholars have occasionally remarked on this aspect of the document. But it has gone unrecognized that Münnich’s writing also bore a strongly partisan political imprint. The political design only becomes clear in the context of the prolonged battle for position and influence waged between two powerful court parties in the first years of Catherine II’s reign. At a crucial stage in this struggle Münnich used his proposal in an apparent attempt to break the deadlock and facilitate Nikita Panin’s rise to power in late 1763.

scholarly journals The young Turks and the Ottoman Nationalities

2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-125
Author(s):  
Mustafa Gökçek
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
Source Material ◽  
The Political ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Young Turks ◽  
Land Question

This volume, short and rich in primary source material, focuses on the relationshipbetween the Ottoman central government (Istanbul) and the empire’svarious nationalities during the fateful 1908-18 period. Istanbul’s struggle toaddress enormous political and military challenges, European involvement,and the rise of nationalism and ethnic/religious resentments are duly covered.The book is well organized with a dedicated section for each nationality. Exceptfor the Greek and Armenian struggles through WWI, which is coveredin a single chapter, each nation’s history is covered in two periods: 1908-14and 1914-18 (except the Albanians). Ahmad impartially re-constructs thesenationalities’ history in order to detail all aspects of the challenges that theyfaced and posed to Ottoman governance.In the chapter on the Armenians, Ahmad discusses the political interactionsof such Armenian organizations as Dashnak with the Committee ofUnion and Progress (CUP) and their coalitions with various political groups.The Kurdish-Armenian “land question” tensions, which dated from the SultanAbdulhamid period, continued to rise. Ahmad’s portrayal also gives us aglimpse of British and French involvement in the Armenian community’s issues.Russia’s policy would change in 1912 from one of keeping good relationswith the CUP to supporting the Armenians and Greeks against Istanbul.The Balkan Wars and the Ottoman defeats revealed its vulnerabilities as wellas the weakness of the CUP’s centralization policies.Istanbul was aware of the problems in Anatolia, especially between theKurds and the Armenians, and understood the necessity of resolving the ...

Mapping Power

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
Electricity Sector ◽  
Operational Performance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Reform ◽  
High Quality ◽  
The Past ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
Political Economy Analysis

Electricity is critical to enabling India’s economic growth and providing a better future for its citizens. In spite of several decades of reform, the Indian electricity sector is unable to provide high-quality and affordable electricity for all, and grapples with the challenge of poor financial and operational performance. To understand why, Mapping Power provides the most comprehensive analysis of the political economy of electricity in India’s states. With chapters on fifteen states by scholars of state politics and electricity, this volume maps the political and economic forces that constrain and shape decisions in electricity distribute on. Contrary to conventional wisdom, it concludes that attempts to depoliticize the sector are misplaced and could worsen outcomes. Instead, it suggests that a historically grounded political economy analysis helps understand the past and devise reforms to simultaneously improve sectoral outcomes and generate political rewards. These arguments have implications for the challenges facing India’s electricity future, including providing electricity to all, implementing government reform schemes, and successfully managing the rise of renewable energy.

The Political Economy of Post-Independence India—A Review Article

1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 787-797 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akhil Gupta
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Organizational Structures ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Newly Industrialized Countries ◽  
The Past ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Balance Of Forces ◽  
The Third World

Economists and political scientists have become increasingly interested in the political economy of India during the past decade and particularly during the past three or four years. The titles under review will be valuable not only to India specialists but also to comparative scholars because of the intriguing mix of conditions found in India. More like a continent than a country in its diversity, India is in some ways very similar to densely populated, predominantly rural and agricultural China, differing most perhaps in the obstinacy and depth of its poverty. In the predominant role played by the state within an essentially capitalist economy, it is closer to the model of Western social democracies than it is to either prominently ideological capitalist or socialist nation-states; like other countries in the “third world,” the state in India plays a highly interventionist developmental role. Finally, since Independence it has pursued, more successfully than most nation-states in Latin America and Asia, policies of importsubstituting industrialization and relative autarchy. In terms of its political structures, India differs from most newly industrialized countries (NICs) in that it generally continues to function as a parliamentary democracy. The federal political system creates an intriguing balance of forces between central and the regional state governments, which are often ruled by opposition parties with agendas, ideologies, and organizational structures quite different from those of the central government.

Objectifs des partis politiques en Wallonie : A propos des élections communales

Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 461-173
Author(s):  
André Philipart
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Authority ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Local Power ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Political Variables ◽  
Made In

As the restructuration of municipalities (local power) could bring along new local political alliances, one would have thought about the possibility of a relevant modification of the political map of Wallonie (French speaking region of Belgium) after the «elections communales» of October 10th, 1976.Some experts had even conceived that the reorganization of the local authority was a manoeuvre of the central government, made in order to neutralize a region in which the «Parti Socialiste Belge» had the majority (voices 36.8 % and 35.5 % of the deputies and senators mandates) . Others thought that the national political strategy would prevail.On the contrary, the results of the election have proved, that the «Parti Socialiste Belge» has kept its predominance in Wallonie (175 lists PSB in the 262 municipalities, 87 lists «en cartel» ; 58 got the majority of the votes and participation in the coalitions in more than half of the municipalities).  The other political parties (PSC, PLP, etc.) have kept their position.The national strategy didn't appear neither in the program, nor in the constitution of the voting lists ( 445 lists for the national parties, 541 local lists).The national political «variables» (alternatives)(government versus opposition; Brussel v. the regions; center v. pheriphery ; community v. community), haven't brought modifications to the local objectives for which the main reason remains either to keep the power or to make its conquest.

La réforme régionale italienne : Un bilan à l'occasion des élections régionales des 8 et 9 juin 1980

Res Publica ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-562
Author(s):  
Catherine Guillermet ◽  
Johan Ryngaert
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Geographical Differences ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Bargaining ◽  
Italian Regions ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Political Differences

Ten years after they were set up, the Italian regions have fallen into general discredit. They are discredited by the central government who regards them as a source of support for the opposing Communist Party and has sought to undermine this reform by depriving the regions of all true autonomy. The regions are discredited by the public opinion by not fulfilling the expectations placed in them. Such an assessment does not stand up to a close examination of regional practices : some geographical differences rapidly become obvious, but especially evident are the political differences. In fact, the regions are the product of an apparent agreement between the political parties and have always suffered from political bargaining which explains the national scale of the issues raised at the last elections. Strengthened by the favorable results obtained in certain regions, the Communist Party was quick to turn this statement of the electoral opinion into a « referendum » about the newly formed Cossiga government.

Self-government and 1911 in China: Revolution or Continuity in the Political Participation in Sichuan Province?

2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (01) ◽  
pp. 165-189
Author(s):  
Monica de Togni
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Sichuan Province ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Policy ◽  
Role Taking ◽  
Local Society ◽  
Western Sichuan ◽  
The Creation

The process that led to the creation of self-government organs, and their activities in the first years of their existence, shows a consistent continuity between the imperial and the republican institutions, but also some changes in the institutional behaviour of the representatives of the local communities before and after the 1911’s revolution. The different meaning attributed to the institutional reforms as they appear to have been interpreted by the Qing Court, from the interpretations by the local society - a tools to control the political activism of the local notables vs a means to play a more active role in the local policy -, did not interfere with the creation of the organs of self-government, a part of the new structure to be built for the constitutional monarchy scheduled through imperial edicts on 27th August, 1908. The local activism and activities, as they are illustrated for Sichuan province through provincial and county archive documents, local gazetteers and reviews, show contradictory tendencies even as relates to some officials, and part of local communities anticipating sometimes the dispositions by the central government for the implementations of self-government, and some resistance by the people who had the right to vote in the participation to the preparatory process for the poll. However, the flourishing of self-government councils of the lower level and the fields of their interventions as representatives of the local communities show a very positive attitude on part of the local communities that continued until Yuan Shikai closed them down in 1914. This study will be concentrating on this aspect and will include, among other things, the case-study of Xuanhan county in north-western Sichuan, where a powerful local lineage played a very relevant role, taking advantage of the disruption of the provincial institutional order.

scholarly journals Central government reform to improve national disease control

2015 ◽  
Vol 58 (8) ◽  
pp. 714 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eun-Cheol Park
Keyword(s):  
Disease Control ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Government Reform

Sofonisba Anguissola, a Painter and a Lady-in-Waiting

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilia Gamberini
Keyword(s):  
Primary Source ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Sofonisba Anguissola ◽  
Primary Source Documents

Relying on primary source documents, Cecilia Gamberini outlines the reality of Sofonisba Anguissola’s experiences in the Household of Queen Isabel of Valois following the artist’s appointment to the Spanish court in 1559. Anguissola’s position is generally credited to her two roles there: painter and lady-in-waiting. The author argues that while Anguissola’s appointment was due in part to her remarkable painted self-representations, it was also facilitated by a largely overlooked network of familial contacts and the political climate of the time. Analyses of Anguissola’s behaviour in the Queen’s Household also offers a glimpse into the young woman’s personality, which was at times irreverent and rebellious, and the opportunity for new attributions.

5. Oil and Political Economy in the International Relations of the Middle East

2019 ◽  
pp. 107-131
Author(s):  
Giacomo Luciani
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Rentier States

This chapter looks at the role of oil in the political economy and the international relations of the Middle East. Oil is commonly considered a political commodity. Because of its pivotal importance as a primary source of energy, governments are concerned with its continued availability and seek to minimize import dependence. Historically, interest in oil — especially in the United Kingdom and the United States — strongly influenced attitudes towards the Middle East and the formation of the state system in the region, following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Oil also affects the power balance within the region. The polarization in the region between oil-rich and oil-poor states is thus an essential tool of analysis. The parallel distinction between rentier and non-rentier states helps to explain how oil affects the domestic political development of the oil-rich states and influences their regional relations.

scholarly journals “In Accordance with Local Conditions”: Policy Design and Implementation of Agrarian Change Policies in Rural China

2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
René Trappel
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Policy Design ◽  
Rural China ◽  
Agrarian Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Conditions ◽  
Cognitive Framework ◽  
Chinese Agriculture ◽  
Leading Cadres

An important part of Beijing's strategy to reduce the welfare gap between urban and rural parts of China has been the promotion of urbanisation. Replacing peasant agriculture with commercial operations of scale is an integral part of this endeavour. This article analyses the implementation of policies meant to transform the structure of Chinese agriculture. It argues that the central government is using a set of very flexible policies, project-based implementation and adaption to local conditions to guide and support an existing dynamic of structural transformation in agriculture. Local governments, in turn, appreciate the flexibility, the political predictability, the potential revenue improvements and the cognitive framework inherent in these programmes. The article is primarily based on interviews with leading cadres at the township and county levels in the provinces of Shandong, Sichuan and Guizhou between 2008 and 2010.

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