Objectifs des partis politiques en Wallonie : A propos des élections communales

Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 461-173
Author(s):  
André Philipart
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Authority ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Local Power ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Political Variables ◽  
Made In

As the restructuration of municipalities (local power) could bring along new local political alliances, one would have thought about the possibility of a relevant modification of the political map of Wallonie (French speaking region of Belgium) after the «elections communales» of October 10th, 1976.Some experts had even conceived that the reorganization of the local authority was a manoeuvre of the central government, made in order to neutralize a region in which the «Parti Socialiste Belge» had the majority (voices 36.8 % and 35.5 % of the deputies and senators mandates) . Others thought that the national political strategy would prevail.On the contrary, the results of the election have proved, that the «Parti Socialiste Belge» has kept its predominance in Wallonie (175 lists PSB in the 262 municipalities, 87 lists «en cartel» ; 58 got the majority of the votes and participation in the coalitions in more than half of the municipalities).  The other political parties (PSC, PLP, etc.) have kept their position.The national strategy didn't appear neither in the program, nor in the constitution of the voting lists ( 445 lists for the national parties, 541 local lists).The national political «variables» (alternatives)(government versus opposition; Brussel v. the regions; center v. pheriphery ; community v. community), haven't brought modifications to the local objectives for which the main reason remains either to keep the power or to make its conquest.

La réforme régionale italienne : Un bilan à l'occasion des élections régionales des 8 et 9 juin 1980

Res Publica ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-562
Author(s):  
Catherine Guillermet ◽  
Johan Ryngaert
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Geographical Differences ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Bargaining ◽  
Italian Regions ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Political Differences

Ten years after they were set up, the Italian regions have fallen into general discredit. They are discredited by the central government who regards them as a source of support for the opposing Communist Party and has sought to undermine this reform by depriving the regions of all true autonomy. The regions are discredited by the public opinion by not fulfilling the expectations placed in them. Such an assessment does not stand up to a close examination of regional practices : some geographical differences rapidly become obvious, but especially evident are the political differences. In fact, the regions are the product of an apparent agreement between the political parties and have always suffered from political bargaining which explains the national scale of the issues raised at the last elections. Strengthened by the favorable results obtained in certain regions, the Communist Party was quick to turn this statement of the electoral opinion into a « referendum » about the newly formed Cossiga government.

The Importance of the Political and the Social in Explaining Mortality Differentials among the Countries of the OECD, 1950–1998

2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-494 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicente Navarro ◽  
Carme Borrell ◽  
Joan Benach ◽  
Carles Muntaner ◽  
Agueda Quiroga ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Infant Mortality ◽  
Life Expectancy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Health Indicators ◽  
Cross Sectional Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Political Variables

This article analyzes (within the conceptual frame defined in the previous article) the impact of political variables such as time of government by political parties (social democratic, Christian democratic or conservative, liberal, and ex-dictatorial that have governed the OECD countries during the 1950–1998 period) and their electoral support on (1) redistributional policies in the labor market and in the welfare state; (2) the income inequalities measured by Theil and Gini indexes; and (3) health indicators, such as infant mortality and life expectancy. This analysis is carried out statistically by a bivariate and a multivariate analysis (a pooled cross-sectional study). Both analyses show that political variables play an important role in defining how public and social policies determine the levels of inequalities and affect the level of infant mortality. In general, political parties more committed to redistributional policies, such as social democratic parties, are the most successful in reducing inequalities and improving infant mortality. Less evidence exists, however, on effects on life expectancy. The article also quantifies statistically the relationship between the political and the policy variables and between these variables and the dependent variables—that is, the health indicators.

scholarly journals Strategi Defensif dan Ofensif Parpol Berbasis Massa Islam dalam Mencapai Parliamentary Threshold pada Pemilu 2014

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Adi Budiman Subiakto ◽  
Nur Kafid
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
National Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Psychological Approach ◽  
Defensive Strategy ◽  
Societal Issues

This study aims to find out political strategy used by the Muslim-based political party to exceed the parliamentary threshold (PT) (3.5%) on the national election 2014, with the case study on National Awakening Party (PKB) and National Mandate Party (PAN). Even the survey agency has predicted that those political parties would not be able to reach PT, but the fact showed different. Both of the political parties managed to exceed the specified threshold. Based on the qualitative approach, this study found out that defensive strategy used by PKB, by consolidating and prioritizing the typology of rural voters with ideological approach (nahdliyin), utilizing prominent figures and artist as part of the campaign to achieve success. Meanwhile, by using offensive strategy PAN chose the typology of rural voters, while at the same time also optimizing the typology of urban voters, dialogical and psychological approach, basic societal issues, and the figure of the artist have been successfully gaining the significant voters.Studi ini dilakukan untuk mengungkap strategi politik dari partai politik berbasis massa Islam untuk melampaui angka parliamentary threshold (3.5%) pada Pemilu tahun 2014, dengan studi kasus PKB dan PAN. Meski sebelumnya telah diprediksi oleh lembaga survei bahwa mereka tidak akan mampu mencapai angka tersebut, tapi realitas menunjukkan sebaliknya. Kedua Parpol tersebut justru berhasil melampaui ambang batas yang ditentukan. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, studi ini menemukan bahwa strategi defensif PKB, dengan mengkonsolidasi dan memprioritaskan tipologi pemilih pedesaan, dengan pendekatan ideologis (nahdliyin), menjadikan tokoh dan figur artis sebagai bagian dari kampanye meraih keberhasilan. Sementara PAN, dengan strategi ofensifnya memilih tipologi pemilih pedesaan dengan tetap mengoptimalkan suara dari tipologi pemilih perkotaan, dengan pendekatan dialogis, psikologis, isu kerakyatan, dan figur artis mampu mendulang perolehan suaranya.

scholarly journals Strategi Pemenangan Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan pada Pemilu Tahun 2019 di Kabupaten Aceh Tengah

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Nofriadi Nofriadi ◽  
Effendi Hasan ◽  
Ubaidullah Ubaidullah ◽  
Helmi Helmi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Positive Response ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Good Communication ◽  
The People ◽  
Common Goals ◽  
Community Cooperation ◽  
The Voice

A political party is a political organization that adheres to and is based on a certain ideology or can also be interpreted as an organization that accommodates the interests and voices of the people who want their interests to be heard by the authorities. Political marketing and political strategy are the most important part of selling and getting a positive response from the community so that people support certain parties or certain candidates. The research method with a qualitative approach, this strategy or method of winning has been thought out and also planned long before the election day arrives, but this strategy is also inseparable from the cooperation and contribution of the political parties it carries in achieving common goals. there are several ways and strategies carried out by the PDI-P party in the 2019-2024 period and it became one of the extraordinary events so that the PDI-P party won with the most votes. The strategy carried out by the PDI-P party in Central Aceh Regency is the collaboration between legislative candidates and the community. Cooperation carried out by the PDI-P party legislative candidates is one very good way to do it, so that work plans through the voice of the community can be carried out easily because of this collaboration. The next strategy is to improve good communication with the community, increase socialization, and have a competition event held by the PDI-P party to the community. With the competition event held by the PDI-P party legislative candidates to the community, so that people know more about the nature, character, behavior and know more about who the legislative candidates are. As well as improving the system and the way the PDI-P party's legislative candidates campaign openly and privately

Using Social Media Data to Analyse Issue Engagement During the 2017 German Federal Election

2022 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Florian Meier ◽  
Alexander Bazo ◽  
David Elsweiler
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Computational Social Science ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Social Media Data ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Media Data

A fundamental tenet of democracy is that political parties present policy alternatives, such that the public can participate in the decision-making process. Parties, however, strategically control public discussion by emphasising topics that they believe will highlight their strengths in voters’ minds. Political strategy has been studied for decades, mostly by manually annotating and analysing party statements, press coverage, or TV ads. Here we build on recent work in the areas of computational social science and eDemocracy, which studied these concepts computationally with social media. We operationalize issue engagement and related political science theories to measure and quantify politicians’ communication behavior using more than 366k Tweets posted by over 1,000 prominent German politicians in the 2017 election year. To this end, we first identify issues in posted Tweets by utilising a hashtag-based approach well known in the literature. This method allows several prominent issues featuring in the political debate on Twitter that year to be identified. We show that different political parties engage to a larger or lesser extent with these issues. The findings reveal differing social media strategies by parties located at different sides of the political left-right scale, in terms of which issues they engage with, how confrontational they are and how their strategies evolve in the lead-up to the election. Whereas previous work has analysed the general public’s use of Twitter or politicians’ communication in terms of cross-party polarisation, this is the first study of political science theories, relating to issue engagement, using politicians’ social media data.

Le nationalisme minoritaire: le cas de la Tchécoslovaquie

1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-267
Author(s):  
Stanislav J. Kirschbaum
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
National State ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
International Support ◽  
Asymmetrical Model ◽  
Nationalist Parties

Minority nationalism: the case of CzechoslovakiaThere exists a type of nationalism which has been manifesting itself more and more in recent years, namely the nationalism of minority national groups who do not necessarily seek to destroy the multi-national state in which they live, but merely seek to restructure it so as to be better able to pursue national goals compatible with their life in the state. Using Slovak minority nationalism as a case-study, the author shows how through two regimes, a democratic and a communist one, Slovak leaders have fought for autonomy, an asymmetrical model, and finally a symmetrical federation. From the study of the political and constitutional programs, the battles fought around them and the eventual solution, it becomes evident that two conditions must exist in order to have minority nationalism: (1) the existence of one or more political parties who articulate the political and constitutional demands for the re-structuring of the multinational state and (2) opposition or refusal to implement these demands by the central government. The author adds three elements which enable the measurement of minority nationalism:(1) the strength and electoral success of the nationalist parties; (2) the degree of opposition by the central government – the greater the opposition, the greater the minority nationalism; (3) international support.

Comportements et motivations des électeurs liégeois lors du scrutin du 13 octobre 1985

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-306
Author(s):  
René Doutrelepont
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Relative Importance ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Vote Decision ◽  
Independent Variables ◽  
Socio Economic Status ◽  
French Speaking

During the Belgian legislative elections on 13 october 1985, the Centre Liégeois d'Etudes de l'Opinion (CLEO), University of Liège, polled voters leaving the voting booths. The objective was to determine the characteristics of electors of the various parties according to the usual criteria of identification (sex, age, socio-economic status, education, religion, revenue, previous votes). The motives and wishes of the voters were also recorded (problems influencing the final vote decision, timing of the decision, attitude toward the incumbent government, type of coalition desired for the new government). The poll consisted of a representative sample of one thousand French speaking voters in the province of Liège.Most of the article presents the results obtained by cross-tabulating various identifying and motive variables with the political parties. In this way, we measure and demonstrate the relative importance of all the independent variables on the distribution of votes, except for sex which seems have little influence.

Parties and the Political System

2021 ◽  
pp. 301-330
Author(s):  
Paul Webb ◽  
Tim Bale
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Deliberative Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The Political ◽  
System P ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Policy Problems ◽  
Made In

Political parties in the UK today are widely seen as disappointing. This chapter examines the nature and causes of the present popular discontent by assessing how well parties perform political functions on behalf of the wider democratic system. It identifies shortcomings in this performance, for instance in parties’ roles in fostering representational and participatory linkage, and in the persistent policy problems which confront party governments. Equally, however, it is starkly apparent that they remain vital to the political system. Nevertheless, it is plain that there is considerable need and scope for reform. Although none is a panacea, important reforms might be made in the areas of party finance, the electoral system, and deliberative democracy.

scholarly journals Modeling Political Corruption in Spain

Mathematics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. 952
Author(s):  
Elena de la Poza ◽  
Lucas Jódar ◽  
Paloma Merello
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
Women's Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
The Media ◽  
Cross Country ◽  
Made In

Political corruption is a universal phenomenon. Even though it is a cross-country reality, its level of intensity and the manner of its effect vary worldwide. In Spain, the demonstrated political corruption cases that have been echoed by the media in recent years for their economic, judicial and social significance are merely the tip of the iceberg as regards a problem hidden by many interested parties, plus the shortage of the means to fight against it. This study models and quantifies the population at risk of committing political corruption in Spain by identifying and quantifying the drivers that explain political corruption. Having quantified the problem, the model allows changes to be made in parameters, as well as fiscal, economic and legal measures being simulated, to quantify and better understand their impact on Spanish citizenship. Our results suggest increasing women’s leadership positions to mitigate this problem, plus changes in the political Parties’ Law in Spain and increasing the judiciary system’s budget.

The Politics of Ethnocentrism: A Viability Test of Ghana’s Democracy?

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamphilious Faanu ◽  
Emmanuel Graham
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Ethnic Politics ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Viability Test ◽  
The Media

The article assesses the use of ethnocentrism as a political strategy in Ghana’s electoral politics and the threat it poses to Ghana’s democracy. It focuses on the strategic ethno-political communication employed by politicians to wield voter support and how voters behave at polls. It reveals that prior to independence Ghana’s political parties were predominantly formed along ethnic and regional dimensions. This transcends into the current dispensation, as the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party are tagged as Ewe-Northerners party and Akans party, respectively. These ethnic affiliations tend to influence voters’ behaviour at the polls. There is, therefore, an increasing incidence of non-evaluative voting because of ethnocentrism in the Ghanaian political domain. As a result, politicking in Ghana tends to rely heavily on ethnic dimensions to solicit votes using the media as the main platform. The incidence of ethno-politics in Ghana has the tendency to reverse the democratic successes chalked because of the unnecessary tensions that are often associated with ethnic politics. This article recommends the need for responsible media practice to minimise this rising phenomenon in Ghana’s electoral politics. Also, it is our suggestion that the Political Parties ACT 574(2000) and the concerned articles of the 1992 constitution be reviewed to place sanctions on ethnocentrism as a political strategy.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document