Restoration or Transformation? Trapos versus NGOs in the Democratization of the Philippines

2003 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 469-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kent Eaton
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Local Power ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
The One ◽  
New Democracy

When the philippines returned to democratic rule in 1986, two images emerged of the new democracy that were vastly different and often hard to reconcile with each other. On the one hand, many observers commented on the great extent to which the new democracy appeared merely to restore the country's previous democratic regime from between 1946 and the establishment of martial law in 1972 (Anderson 1988; McCoy 1994, 19; Wurfel 1988, 323). In this earlier democratic period, traditional political clans dominated the country's policy-making institutions and successfully blocked equity-enhancing reforms. Over the course of these decades, elite-dominated parties mastered the politics of clientelism, in which local power brokers delivered vote blocs to national politicians in exchange for the granting of particularistic favors and the blocking of progressive legislation. Fears of a restoration in the mid-1980s appeared well founded, both in the significant presence in the reopened legislature of the country's most powerful economic elites and in the resistance to agrarian and other reforms by the new president, Corazon Aquino, herself a member of a prominent land-owning family. In many respects, democratization in the 1980s marked the return to power of traditional politicians, or trapos, as they are popularly called, a word that also means “dishrag” in the Tagalog language.

Entertainment publics in the Philippines

2021 ◽  
pp. 1329878X2098596
Author(s):  
Anna Cristina Pertierra
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
Digital Technologies ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Entertainment Media ◽  
Digital Era ◽  
The Media ◽  
Entertainment Television

Since the late 1980s, Filipino entertainment television has assumed and maintained a dominance in national popular culture, which expanded in the digital era. The media landscape into which digital technologies were launched in the Philippines was largely set in the wake of the 1986 popular movement and change of government referred to as the EDSA revolution: television stations that had been sequestered under martial law were turned over to family-dominated commercial enterprises, and entertainment media proliferated. Building upon the long development of entertainment industries in the Philippines, new social media encounters with entertainment content generate expanded and engaged publics whose formation continues to operate upon a foundation of televisual media. This article considers the particular role that entertainment media plays in the formation of publics in which comedic, melodramatic and celebrity-led content generates networks of followers, users and viewers whose loyalty produces various forms of capital, including in notable cases political capital.

scholarly journals A cruel deception

1983 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 27-28
Author(s):  
John A Lent
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Martial Law

Government and mass media in the Philippines after martial law

W. Cameron Forbes in the Philippines: A Study in Proconsular Power

1966 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert M. Spector
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Ralph Waldo Emerson ◽  
Family Firm ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Family ◽  
The One

On his mother's side, W. Cameron Forbes was the grandson of Ralph Waldo Emerson, and on his father's, the grandson of John Murray Forbes, who made his fortune in the China clipper trade. He carried in his heredity the shrewd business ability of the one and the liberalism of the other. In Hofstadter's turn of phrase, he was the patrician as liberal. His wealth, his education — the best available (Milton Academy, Hopkinson School, Harvard) — would have entitled him to admittance to the innermost recesses of post-Civil War Republicanism. Yet he remained at best only affiliated with that party, and at heart an outspoken Independent. In 1892, on graduation from Harvard, he joined Stone and Webster, later gained experience in business as officer and director of several Boston banks, and then, just before the turn of the century, joined the family firm of J. M. Forbes and Co., Merchants.

scholarly journals COVID-19 through the One Health lens: adding a missing perspective

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Selbach ◽  
Maarten P. M. Vanhove ◽  
Kim Nørgaard Mouritsen
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
One Health ◽  
Evolutionary Ecology ◽  
Integrative Approach ◽  
Health Awareness ◽  
Human Parasite ◽  
Health Concept ◽  
Human Animal ◽  
The One

The One Health concept offers an integrative approach to disease and health at the human-animal-environment interface. It has often been suggested to view the COVID-19 outbreak within this framework to better understand and mitigate this global crisis. Here, we discuss how the evolutionary ecology of host-pathogen systems can add a valuable additional perspective to the debate around SARS-CoV-2 and its implications for public health awareness and policy-making. In this context, it is especially important to highlight that changes in nature, such as zoonotic spillover events, are often irreversible, and that humans, while deeply embedded in ecosystems, are intricate ecosystems themselves. A better recognition of the complex biology and evolution of human-parasite interactions will assist our understanding of such zoonoses.

scholarly journals From Colonialism to Neoliberalism: Critical Reflections on Philippine Mining in the "Long Twentieth Century"

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alvin Camba
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Capital Expenditure ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Other ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Mining Companies ◽  
Copper Nickel ◽  
Operational Costs ◽  
Iron Copper ◽  
The One

Through an analysis of archival data and findings from interviews with industry leaders, I explore the genesis, rise, and fall of the various Philippine mineral regimes of the twentieth century. Specifically, I examine the background of successive and overlapping colonial and neocolonial powers in three eras: late colonial (1901-1941), national developmental (1945-1964), and state authoritarianism (1965-1985). I also briefly examine the current neoliberal mineral regime (1986-present). I argue that, to date, capitalist enterprises and neocolonial powers have pursued two contradictory paths to extract precious (gold and silver) and base (chromite, iron, copper, nickel, magnesium, and ore) metals in the Philippines. On the one hand, mining companies appropriated expansive land, underpriced labor and inexpensive food to subsidize capital expenditure and mineral operations. The appropriation of basic inputs - or what is referred to as "cheap natures" - allowed these companies to reduce their sunken investments and operational costs. But on the other hand, as the sector developed more, it became increasingly difficult to appropriate such "cheap natures." While initially profitable because of successful appropriation of "cheap natures," companies eventually experienced decreasing returns because of the problems this caused.

scholarly journals Narrating Human Rights in the Philippines

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ma. Rhea Gretchen Arevalo Abuso
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
National Elections ◽  
The Social ◽  
National Leaders ◽  
Depth Interviews

The 2016 national elections in the Philippines have been regarded as the most revealing and consequential democratic practice to the human rights situation in the country for two reasons. First, the overwhelming election of Rodrigo Duterte to the presidency was because of his campaign promise to rid the country of drugs and criminality within “3 to 6 months” through bloody and violent means. Second, the son and namesake of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, whose authoritarian regime in the 1970’s was responsible for countless human rights violations, narrowly lost his vice-presidential bid by a mere 270,000 votes. These turns of events beg the question: how could Filipinos, who experienced a bloody and violent regime at the hands of a dictator, choose to elect national leaders widely associated with human rights violations? This paper addresses this question through the use of in-depth interviews with Filipino college students in key cities in the Philippines in order to describe the Marcos regime from the perspective of the generation that did not experience the period. The research aimed to understand how memories of past human rights violations are formed and shaped, how these memories are crucial to the improvement of the human rights situation in society, and how to ensure that mistakes of the past are not repeated. The study found that widespread revisionist notions about the Marcos regime can be attributed to the absence of meaningful martial law and human rights education in the country.  However, the study also found that young Filipinos regard the social institution of education as the most trustworthy bearer of information on human rights and violent regimes. This highlights the crucial role of schools and educators in promoting human rights in society.

The “Legacy Problem” and Democratic Consolidation in South Korea and the Philippines

2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nae Young Lee
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Arduous Task ◽  
Power Base ◽  
New Democracy ◽  
The Military

New democracies face the arduous task of determining how to deal with gross human rights violations committed during their authoritarian pasts, or the “torturer problem,” to quote Samuel P. Huntington (1991). A new democracy can enhance its legitimacy if it brings human rights violators to justice, thus demonstrating the supremacy of democratic values, including the rule of law. By ensuring that no wrongdoer will go unpunished, the democratic regime prevents the danger of a future military coup d'état and future human rights abuses. Equally critical, it strengthens the power base of democratic forces by delegitimizing or even occasioning a purge of key authoritarian leaders, who often wield influence within the institutions of power, including the military, even after democratic transition. Punishing past wrongdoings constitutes an act of preempting a democratic reversal. In this sense, the question of the past becomes a struggle over power with today's authoritarian forces and for the future of third-wave democracy.

Interdecadal variation of the wintertime precipitation in Southeast Asia and its possible causes

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-58
Author(s):  
Zizhen Dong ◽  
Lin Wang ◽  
Peiqiang Xu ◽  
Sittichai Pimonsree ◽  
Atsamon Limsakul ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Sea Ice ◽  
Coupled Model ◽  
Walker Circulation ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Dominant Mode ◽  
Arctic Sea Ice ◽  
Maritime Continent ◽  
Asian Winter Monsoon ◽  
Arctic Sea ◽  
The One

AbstractBased on several observational and reanalysis datasets for the winters 1901-2017, this study investigates the interdecadal (ID) variation of the Southeast Asian rainfall (SEAR) and its potential drivers. The dominant mode of the wintertime SEAR on the ID timescale features enhanced precipitation over the eastern Maritime Continent and the Philippines and a slight decrease of precipitation over the western Maritime Continent, or the opposite sign. The ID SEAR variability peaks at the 8-16-year period and explains more than 20% of the total variance regardless of the datasets and period considered, highlighting the importance of the ID variability of the SEAR. The atmospheric circulation that facilitates abundant ID SEAR is characterized by enhanced lower-tropospheric wind convergence and cyclonic anomalies over the South China Sea and the Philippines. On the one hand, this wind convergence is attributed to the enhanced Walker circulation induced by the negative phase of the Interdecadal Pacific Oscillation (IPO). On the other hand, it is attributed to the enhanced northerly anomalies along the coast of East Asia induced by strong East Asian winter monsoon (EAWM) and reduced autumn Arctic sea ice in the Barents-Kara Sea. These mechanisms are further confirmed by model experiments from the Coupled Model Intercomparison Project Phase 5. The effects of the IPO, EAWM, and Arctic sea ice on the SEAR are mostly independent. They together explain approximately 70% of the SEAR variance on the ID timescale.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Devin Caughey
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Regime ◽  
The South ◽  
Southern Politics ◽  
The Core ◽  
Racial Issues ◽  
Congressional Representation ◽  
The One ◽  
Partisan Competition ◽  
The New Deal

This introductory chapter lays down the groundwork for the argument that the white polyarchy model provides the best account of congressional representation in the one-party South. This framework characterizes the South as an exclusionary one-party enclave, which departed from normal democratic politics in three major respects: its exclusion of many citizens from the franchise, its lack of partisan competition, and its embeddedness within a national democratic regime. Each of these features had important implications for Southern politics. The argument here is that white polyarchy provides the best description of congressional politics in the South, but this argument also rests on a number of empirical premises. To that end, the chapter outlines a focus on the issues of regulation, redistribution, and social welfare at the core of the New Deal agenda, largely bracketing explicitly racial issues except insofar as they intersected with economic policymaking. Finally, it outlines the major implications set out by this argument for our understanding of the character and persistence of the South's exclusionary one-party enclaves.

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