The struggle for union power, 1941-1946

2021 ◽  
pp. 263-277
Keyword(s):  
Oikos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (31) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Marcelo Yáñez Pérez

RESUMENEl artículo muestra los principales resultados de la investigación Percepción de la Población Pobre de Santiago sobre el Mercado Laboral en Chile, realizada durante 9 años consecutivos desde 2003, por la Escuela de Administración y Economía de la Universidad Católica Silva Henríquez. El estudio incluye antecedentes sobre las concepciones de empleo y desempleo de este grupo de la población, así como la identificación de quienes –a su juicio– serían los responsables de que las personas pobres obtengan un trabajo y la calificación que le asignan a su gestión. También contempla sus percepciones en torno al apoyo del Estado, nivel de desempleo, influencia del capital social, respeto por los trabajadores, igualdad de oportunidades, poder de los sindicatos, entre otros aspectos, además del nivel de desempleo familiar y tipo de problemas laborales que han enfrentado.Palabras clave: mercado laboral, pobreza, percepciones, equidad.Este estudio ha sido realizado en el contexto de la investigación “Percepción de la población pobre de Santiago sobre las condiciones de acceso, equidad y satisfacción en la obtención de bienes básicos y públicos – año 2011: visión evolutiva desde el año 2003”, que es parte del Programa de Investigación de la Escuela de Administración y Economía de la UCSH. Esta investigación ha sido financiada desde sus inicios y en su totalidad con fondos propios de esta Universidad.Perception of the Poor Population from Santiago of The Labor Market in Chile in the year 2011 and evolution from 2003ABSTRACTThe paper shows the main results of a long-term investigation on the perceptions of the poor of Santiago of the labor market in Chile, which began in 2003 and was carried out by the School of Management and Economics at the Universidad Católica Silva Henríquez. The study includes background on the concepts of employment and unemployment in this group of the population, and the identification of those who, in his opinion, would be responsible for the poor to get a job and the rating assigned to their management. It also includes their perceptions of the support of the state, unemployment, social capital influence, respect for workers, equal opportunities, union power, among other things, besides the level of unemployment and type of family labor problems they have faced.Keywords: labor market, poverty, perceptions, equity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002218562110039
Author(s):  
Eugene Schofield-Georgeson

Over the past two decades, industrial relations scholarship has observed a trend towards an increasingly punitive industrial environment along with the ‘re-regulation’ of labour law. Absent from much of this literature, however, has been an empirical and historical measurement or comparison of the scale and quality of this systemic change. By surveying coercive and penal federal industrial legislation over the period 1901–2020, this study shows empirically that over the last 40 years, there has been a steep increase in the amount of coercive federal labour legislation in Australia. It further measures and compares the volume of coercive labour legislation enacted specifically against ‘labour’ and ‘capital’ or both throughout the same period (1901–2020). Analysis reveals a correlation between a high volume of coercive labour legislation with low levels of trade union power and organisation. Argued here is that coercive labour legislation has been crucial to transitioning from a liberal conciliation and arbitration model of Australian industrial relations towards a neoliberal framework of employment legislation. In the former, regulation was more collective, informal and egalitarian (embodied by the sociological concept of ‘associative democracy’). Under a neoliberal framework, regulation is now more individualised, technical, punitive and rarely enforced, resulting in less equal material outcomes.


2002 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 39-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Levesque ◽  
Gregor Murray

ILR Review ◽  
1960 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melvin W. Reder
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 7, which addresses the labor-capital balance of power, conceptualizes three planes of labor struggle, anchored in concepts of union power: the “frontal struggle” of organizing drives, unionization and collective action; the “ideological struggle” in which organized labor defends its legitimacy and the legitimacy of collective labor relations; and the “institutional struggle” over the institutions and formalized frameworks that facilitate collective labor relations. The chapter then explores the first plane with an analysis of unionizing at Pelephone, which encountered extreme opposition from the employer and led to a groundbreaking ruling from National Labor Court determining what an employer may and may not do in opposition to an organizing drive. However, noting other employers’ continued opposition to labor organizing and their ability to ignore the spirit of the ruling, the chapter suggests that the frontal struggle is easily undermined if it has no general public support on the level of ideology.


Author(s):  
Gregor Gall

This chapter and the following ones provide an analysis of Crow in terms of his person, politics and members’ potential power. So left-wing radicalism provided the parameters for how Crow looked at the world and guided his role a union leader. Indeed, this intellectual framework attributed a crucial role to unions as agents for radical ends. This chapter then begins by look at his intellectual worldview before moving on to examine how it played out in practice and the conditions which allowed it to be played out. It thus considers his ‘socialism/communism’ (his words), and despite his political training, his political heterodoxy along with his views on the synergy of industrial and political struggles, the relationship between class and sectionalism, and the sources of union power and his bargaining strategy. The chapter also examines his relationship with citizens as members of the travelling public and his calls for mass action to defeat austerity.


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