From Decisive Victory to Transition

2021 ◽  
pp. 187-191
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pei Zhang

2020 is the year of decisive victory in building a well-off society in an all-round way, and decisive battle against poverty. Higher vocational colleges need a team of teachers with good ethics and style, as well as both ability and political integrity. Higher vocational teachers should use their own wisdom and choose scientific teaching methods. They should also warm students with love and influence students with noble teacher ethics, so that every impoverished student can learn something. In the end, this can achieve education poverty alleviation, and higher vocational teachers can contribute their own strength to the country's poverty alleviation.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Ferry Yefta Mamahit

Tulisan ini adalah sebuah usaha untuk menjelaskan konsep Christus Victor sebagai salah satu motif dalam karya penebusan Kristus yang berdampak, bukan saja pada kemenangan atas dosa dan maut, tetapi juga atas kuasa-kuasa kegelapan (power of the darkness). Untuk menjelaskan hal ini, pada bagian awal akan dibahas konsep penebusan Kristen berikut masalah-masalahnya; lalu, akan dibahas juga motif “Kristus Pemenang” itu sendiri dan dampak-dampaknya; kemudian, akan diteliti dan dieksposisi nyanyian kemenangan dalam Kitab Wahyu (Why. 12:10-12) sebagai sebuah paradigma nyanyian bermotif kemenangan; dan pada akhirnya, akan didiskusikan implikasi praktis konsep teologis ini dalam peperangan rohani (spiritual warfare) orang Kristen. Melalui tulisan ini, diharapkan bahwa pemahaman orang Kristen terhadap kemenangan penentu (decisive victory) dari karya Kristus atas kuasa kegelapan ini dapat menjadi semakin benar, dan akhirnya akan mempengaruhi kehidupannya secara nyata dalam menghadapi peperangan rohani, sehingga ia dapat hidup bukan sebagai umat pecundang, melainkan sebagai pemenang.


Author(s):  
Carlos Pérez Pineda

The 1969 conflict between Honduras and El Salvador signaled the weakening of the Central American economic integration process; marked an end to an era of economic growth, industrialization, and political openness; and inaugurated a new chapter, characterized by growing political polarization and violence. There is a prevailing consensus about the significance that this conflict had as a breaking point and historical turnaround. The roots of the crisis between both states, commercial partners and members of a regional political-military alliance, lie in the drastic changes introduced by the Honduran government in its migratory and agrarian policies. These changes sought to contain the massive migration from El Salvador and to reduce by all means necessary, including by violent dispossession, the Salvadoran presence in Honduras. A ferocious anti-Salvadoran media campaign preceded and accompanied the massive expulsion of Salvadorans. Alarmed by the destabilizing effect that a return en masse of poor Salvadoran peasants could bring to the country, and facing an intransigent Honduran government, the leadership in El Salvador decided to resolve the conflict through war. Once this began, both countries mobilized their military forces for over one hundred hours of bloody fighting in July 1969. Although neither country won a decisive victory on the battlefield, at the moment the ceasefire was imposed the military situation amply favored El Salvador. The political, economic, military, and diplomatic consequences of the war had a profound impact during the 1970s and beyond the signing of the peace agreement early in the 1980s. On the one hand, the recounting of the war, full of falsifications and half-truths, continues to play an important role in Honduran nationalism. On the other hand, for Salvadorans the war is an almost forgotten memory.


Author(s):  
Jiří Krejčík

The chapter considers the history of India, mainly in the last decades, in light of the contemporary situation, created by the decisive victory of the Hindu nationalist party. While India has not experienced a political revolution in the generally accepted sense, it is a noteworthy fact that the label „revolution“ has been used to describe varying developments during the last half-century. This raises conceptual questions. In particular, it needs to be clarified whether the idea of a „passive revolution“, a major structural change without the collective action and the struggle for social power that are associated with full-fledged revolution, is applicable. In India, it has been applied to Gandhi’s actvities, but also to those of his less charismatic disciples; but some scholars have doubted its relevance. The chapter argues for a cautious application of the concept, especially with regard to the rise of a new capitalist class.


Author(s):  
Margit Bussmann

Demobilization of ex-combatants is a major obstacle in the transition to a stable postconflict society. The combatants must be convinced to abandon the armed confrontation and hand over their weapons in light of security concerns and a lack of alternative means of income. The challenges to overcoming the commitment problem differ in terms of numbers of combatants who must be demobilized for conflicts that end in a decisive victory and conflicts that reach a military stalemate. Peace agreements can offer several solutions for overcoming the parties’ commitment problems, but often the implementation of the provisions is incomplete. Third parties can offer to monitor an agreement and provide security guarantees. International actors increasingly assist with demobilization and reintegration programs for former combatants and help to overcome security-related concerns and economic challenges. Another solution offered is military power-sharing arrangements and the integration of rebel fighters into the national military. These measures are intended to reduce the pool for potential recruitment for existing or new rebel groups. If ex-combatants are left without means of income to support themselves and their families, the risk is higher that they will remobilize and conflict will recur. Reintegration in the civilian labor market, however, is often difficult in the weak economies of war-affected countries.


1988 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 423-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul K. Huth

Successful deterrence, it is argued, requires a combination of military capabilities and bargaining behavior that enhances a defender's credibility without provoking a potential attacker. Hypotheses on the political and military conditions under which extended-immediate deterrence is likely to succeed or fail are formulated and tested by probit analysis on fifty-eight historical cases. The empirical results indicate that (1) the military capability of the defender to deny the potential attacker a quick and decisive victory on the battlefield enhances deterrence; (2) a policy of reciprocity in diplomacy and military actions by the defender contributes strongly to deterrence success; and (3) a past record of backing down under pressure or intransigence in confrontations with the potential attacker increases the likelihood of deterrence failure.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 1037-1048 ◽  
Author(s):  
TOM CRAWSHAW

ABSTRACTScholarly works dealing with the Long Parliament's military finances have often necessarily relied on sampled data and exemplary evidence. This communication demonstrates that full, systematic analyses of the relevant materials in the Commonwealth Exchequer Papers have the potential to alter our understanding of these finances when certain questions are asked. Lacking a detailed calendar, this vast collection of documents is extraordinarily complex and opaque, and because of this it is very hard to deal with holistically. Nevertheless, this communication demonstrates that achieving a broad yet precise view of this vital quantitative material is sometimes possible. It will be suggested here that the army of the earl of Essex enjoyed full payment from the moment of its creation in August 1642 until the end of that October. This will be demonstrated by comparing the total payments received by the foot soldiers to a newly calculated model of their monetary needs during the period in question. Ultimately, there are many possible reasons for the army's failure to secure a decisive victory at Edgehill, but a financial crisis at the political centre was not one of them.


Subject Four European disintegration risks. Significance After the French presidential election, which saw the decisive victory of Emmanuel Macron over National Front leader Marine Le Pen, a sigh of relief could be heard in European capitals: the worse had been avoided; the EU would thrive again. This relief could be premature. At least four disintegration risks are still threatening the EU. Impacts Even though its economic prospects are positive, the euro-area remains fragile and could plunge back into chaos if left unreformed. An economic downturn would benefit Eurosceptic populist parties. The political uncertainty of a caretaker government in Germany will increase its officials' reluctance to agree to any euro-area reforms.


Globus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1(58)) ◽  
pp. 9-12
Author(s):  
M.J. Bayramov

The Caucasus region has always been in the center of attention of great powers, as it is located in a very favorable geographical area. The Caucasus was also of great importance to the Seljuk Turks, who established a state after a decisive victory over the Ghaznavids in the Battle of Dandanakan. As it is known, after the establishment of the Seljuk state by the Turks, their main policy was to advance to the west, to seize Anatolia and turn Anatolia into Turkish lands. The Caucasus region was the gateway to Anatolia. From this point of view, the Caucasus was of great military-strategic importance for the Seljuks. However, the study of the Caucasian policy of the Seljuk Turks began a little late in Turkish historiography. The article examines the research work written on this topic and determines the level of study of the topic in Turkish historiography.


Subject Implications of the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen for relation in the Horn of Africa. Significance The intervention of the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen threatens to re-order strategic relationships between concerned Arab states and the Horn of Africa. The largest indication of this shift is the Red Sea security agreement between Eritrea and Saudi Arabia on April 30. The agreement has rankled Ethiopia and its regional allies, who are keen to 'contain' Eritrea and prevent its bid to emerge from international isolation. Given the range of other interests that Ethiopia shares with Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Yemen, it is unlikely that a significant rupture will occur. However, the impact of these tensions could be significant, as Ethiopia will remain committed to thwarting closer relations between Asmara and Arab states. Impacts Riyadh's outreach to allies is a tactic for success in its Yemen campaign and may not necessarily indicate long-term strategic shifts. Such new relationships will be highly contingent on developments in Yemen. However, Saudi Arabia will not halt the campaign until a decisive victory against the Huthi rebels and forces loyal to the former president.


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