scholarly journals Mobilidade territorial e política no discurso de lideranças indígenas do/no estado do Acre (Amazônia, Brasil)

Terr Plural ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Alessandra Severino da Silva Manchinery ◽  
Suzanna Dourado Silva ◽  
Adnilson de Almeida Silva

It is proposed to discuss territorial mobility, the policies of indigenous leaders in the state of Acre, especially the Manchineri, their survival strategies in the world of non-indigenous people so that we can reflect on two changes that we testify in recent decades: mobility for the urban centers that include the indigenous people who were born in the city and those who arrived in the city, as well as its growing support in the country’s indigenous and non-indigenous political discussions in Brazil. The methodological path had as its own perspective of the leaders, for this will be reported their way of life and their involvement in the policies of different spheres of decision. The paper consists of three discussion sections that go from mobility to the political role played by leaders.

Author(s):  
Michael P. DeJonge

This chapter continues the examination of Bonhoeffer’s first phase of resistance through an exposition of “The Church and the Jewish Question,” turning now to the modes of resistance proper to the church’s preaching office. Because such resistance involves the church speaking against the state, it appears to stand in contradiction with Bonhoeffer’s suggestion earlier in the essay that the church should not speak out against the state. This is in fact not a contradiction but rather the coherent expression of the political vision as outlined in the first several chapters of this book, which requires that the church criticize the state under certain circumstances but not others. The specific form of word examined here is the indirectly political word (type 3 resistance) by which the church reminds the messianic state of its mandate to preserve the world with neither “too little” nor “too much” order.


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
J. H. Shennan

The most recent biographer of Montesquieu has written:…the similarity between the ideas of the former president a tnortier and those of the parlements is sometimes striking.…The king, they admit, is the legislator and the fount of justice. The parlements, however, are the repositories of his supreme juris-diction. To remove it from them is to offend the laws of the state and to overthrow the ancient legal structure of the kingdom.…This tradition of the parlements inspired and was inspired by the political doctrine of Montesquieu; and when the President writes of the monarchy of his own day…as being the best form of government that men have been able to imagine, it is monarchy supported by this tradition which he has in mind.


Revista Trace ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 154
Author(s):  
David Figueroa Serrano

Diversas sociedades han concebido a la naturaleza como un todo integral, una entidad viva. Esta perspectiva ontológica es una forma del ser en el mundo y representa otros caminos de la convivencia con el entorno. Este texto busca aportar elementos para entender la lógica de la percepción del agua en los pueblos mazahuas del Estado de México, a partir de referentes cosmológicos. Desde la perspectiva de la ecofilosofía, estas formas de asumir el entorno nos permiten repensar nuestros fundamentos epistémicos sobre la naturaleza. Metodológicamente, se realizó trabajo de campo en las comunidades mazahuas de la región noroccidente y occidente del Estado de México, principalmente se retomaron localidades cercanas a los ríos Lerma y Cutzamala. A partir de entrevistas a profundidad, recorridos de área e información documental se identificó la percepción del agua, así como los diferentes conflictos por los recursos hídricos y los proyectos de trasvase.Abstract: Various societies have designed nature as an integral whole and as a living entity. This ontological perspective is a form of being in the world and represents other paths of coexistence with the environment. This text seeks to provide elements to understand the perception of water in the Mazahua people of the State of Mexico, from cosmological references. From the perspective of ecophilosophy, these cosmological referents are necessary to rethink our epistemic foundations on nature. Methodologically, fieldwork was carried out in the Mazahua communities of the northwestern and western region, mainly in localities near the Lerma and Cutzamala rivers. Based on in-depth interviews, area tours and documentary information, the perception of water was identified, as well as the different conflicts over water resources and diversion projects.Keywords: water; Indigenous people; ontologies of nature; ecophilosophy; oral narrative.Résumé : Diverses sociétés ont conçu la nature comme un tout intégral, une entité vivante. Cette perspective ontologique est une manière d’être dans le monde et représente d’autres voies de coexistence avec l’environnement. Ce texte cherche à fournir des éléments pour comprendre la logique de la perception de l’eau chez les peuples Mazahua de l’État du Mexique à partir de références cosmologiques. Du point de vue de l’écophilosophie, ces les façons d´assumer l´environnement, nous permettent de repenser nos fundements épistémiques sur la nature. Méthodologiquement, des travaux de terrain ont été effectués dans les communautés Mazahua du nord-ouest et de l’ouest du pays, principalement dans les localités proches des rivières Lerma et Cutzamala. À partir d’entretiens approfondis, de visites de zones et d’informations documentaires, la perception de l’eau a été identifiée, ainsi que les différents conflits liés aux ressources en eau et aux projets de dérivation.Mots-clés : l’eau ; peuples autochtones ; ontologies de la nature ; écophilosophie ; récit oral.


Author(s):  
Nikita V. Averin

We examine the provisions situation in the early 1918 in the producing regions of Russia using materials from the Tambov Governorate. Published documents indicate a strong rise in prices for consumer goods, the population was concerned about high prices for food. The provisions problem was clearly taking on political overtones. The Bolsheviks who came to power did not only impose power, proceeding from their political and economic preferences, starting socialist transformations and fighting the remnants of the old organs of power. All this is shown in pub-lished sources on the peasant movement that swept the province, as well as in memoirs, witnesses of all those problems associated with food and the deterioration of the political and economic situation in the city and the governorate as a whole. In particular, the Soviet power immediately faced huge provisions problems, both inherited and generated by their own requisitions, as well as with the peasant protest movement. The peasant movement itself, caused by hunger and chaos, in the future will play a huge role in the policies pursued by the Bolsheviks. Documents and memoirs can serve in the study of the state of the population in the specified period.


Author(s):  
Annabel S. Brett

This concluding chapter addresses the issue of the place of the city directly, and discusses the broader implications of place in relation to the metaphysics of human agency. As the space of physical movement, or locomotion, place is apparently depoliticized from the outset; for the political depends on the free, which, even if conceived as the voluntary and naturalized, is nevertheless contrasted with the external motion that is blocked by force. However, the casuistry concerning the local motion of citizens shows how the space of the political has to contend with the space of external movement, the same space in which animals move, which resists even as it supplements the voluntary and juridical construction of the state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002198941989730
Author(s):  
Sushmita Sircar

The world wars definitively changed the relations with the state of the peoples of India’s northeastern frontier. The wars were both fought on their terrain (with the invasion of the Japanese army) and led to the recruitment of people from the region to serve in the British Army. The contemporary Anglophone Indian novel documents the lingering effects of this militarization in the many insurgencies that have fragmented the region in the postcolonial era. Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss (2006) depicts the Gorkhaland uprising of the 1980s in the Kalimpong district of West Bengal, which demanded a separate state, while Easterine Kire’s Bitter Wormwood (2011) describes the Naga peoples’ traditional way of life against the backdrop of attempts to declare independence from the Indian state. In this article I argue that these novels capture how these secessionist movements use the experience of the world wars to craft a political identity based on military brotherhood to claim independence from the Indian state. These movements thus undertake a complex reworking of the valences of the figure of the “soldier”, central to so many accounts of national integrity. At the same time, reproducing the nationalist logic of the Indian state, these novels more readily recognize an “indigenous” identity based on a claim to the land as the political basis of nationhood. Hence, these novels about secessionist struggles reveal how certain narratives of nation formation become the only legitimate means for making claims for political rights and independent statehood over the course of the twentieth century.


Classics ◽  
2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luc Brisson ◽  
Richard Dufour

Born at Athens in a family of noble descent, Plato (b. c. 428–427– d. c. 348–347 bce) naturally sought throughout his life to play a political role as councilor or legislator, not only at Athens but also abroad, especially in Sicily. A writer and philosopher, Plato was above all a citizen who, as is attested by the ten books of the Republic and the twelve books of the Laws (which constitute almost half of his work), wished to reform the political life of his city by assigning power not to wealth or to military force, but to knowledge. Against the traditional vision of culture in his time, essentially transmitted by poetry, Plato proposed a new system of education based on knowledge, in which mathematics plays an important role, and which culminates in the contemplation of true realities and of the Good. Plato’s life is therefore inseparable from his thought. Fairly early, a dogmatism (the term being taken in the minimal sense of the exposition of a doctrine) developed, with the appearance of a doctrine whose principal points became more specific over time. This doctrine is characterized by a twofold reversal. First, the world of things perceived by the senses is a mere image of a set of intelligible forms that represent true reality, for they possess the principle of their existence within themselves. Second, human beings cannot be reduced to their bodies, for their true identity coincides instead with an incorporeal entity, the soul, that accounts for all motion, both material (growth, locomotion, etc.) and spiritual (feelings, sense perceptions, intellectual knowledge, and so on).


Author(s):  
Oren Barak

Since Lebanon’s independence in the mid-1940s, its military—the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)—has played a pivotal role in the country’s politics. The political role of the LAF in Lebanon might seem surprising since the Lebanese state did not militarize, and its political leaders have continuously managed to keep their military relatively weak and small. Indeed, in this respect Lebanon has been markedly different from its close neighbors (Syria and Israel), but also from several other Middle Eastern states (especially Egypt and Iraq), where the military, which was large and powerful, was continuously involved in politics. Additionally, both Lebanon and the LAF have persistently striven to distance themselves from regional conflicts since 1949, particularly in relation to the Palestinian issue, albeit not always successfully. Still, and despite these ostensibly unfavorable factors for the military’s involvement in politics in Lebanon, the LAF has played an important political role in the state since its independence. This role, which has been marked by elements of continuity and change over the years, included mediation and arbitration between rival political factions (in 1945–1958, 2008, 2011, and 2019); attempts to dominate the political system (in 1958–1970 and 1988–1990); intervention in the Lebanese civil war (in 1975–1976 and 1982–1984); attempts to regain its balancing role in politics (in 1979–1982 and 1984–1988); and facilitating the state’s postwar reconstruction (since 1991). The political role of the military in Lebanon can be explained by several factors. First, the weakness of Lebanon’s political system and its inability to resolve crises between its members. Second, Lebanon’s divided society and its members’ general distrust towards its civilian politicians. Third, the basic characteristics of Lebanon’s military, which, in most periods, enjoyed broad public support that cuts across the lines of community, region, and family, and found appeal among domestic and external audiences, which, in their turn, acquiesced to its political role in the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 51-65
Author(s):  
Paul R. DeHart ◽  

In Pagans & Christians in the City, Steven D. Smith argues that in contrast to ancient Rome, ancient Christianity, following Judaism, located the sacred outside the world, desacralizing the cosmos and everything in it—including the political order. It thereby introduced a political dualism and potentially contending allegiances. Although Smith’s argument is right so far as it goes, it underplays the role of Christianity’s immanent dimension in subverting the Roman empire and the sacral pattern of antiquity. This division of authority not only undermined the Roman empire and antique sacral political order more generally—it also subverts the modern state, which, in the work of Hobbes and Rousseau, sought to remarry what Western Christianity divorced.


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