Hybrid Regimes and Arab Democracy

Author(s):  
Bruce K. Rutherford

This chapter analyzes the political future of Egypt and the Arab world, which may include a steady deepening of liberalism and, possibly, democracy. It suggests that a full transition to democracy is not likely in any contemporary Arab regime. However, for hybrid regimes that share characteristics of both an autocratic order and a democratic order, a reversion to full authoritarianism is equally unlikely. In order to understand the future of democracy in the Arab world, we need to understand how these hybrid regimes emerge, why they remain stable, and whether they will transition toward democracy. The theoretical literature on hybrid regimes provides a valuable starting point for this analysis. The chapter presents an analytical approach for studying the emergence of a hybrid regime and applies it to Egypt. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.

2020 ◽  

Do new technologies represent a turning point? This question was the beginning of a project on modern direct democracy, which resulted in the DISPUTE conference "Past, Present and Future of Direct Democracy", which took place on October 19th and 20th, 2018 at the Istituto Svizzero in Rome. The event was designed as an exchange between Switzerland and Italy, with the political cultures of the two neighboring countries being put up for discussion as case studies. While Switzerland is often regarded as an exemplary case of modern direct democracy, in recent years Italy has had heated discussions about its representative institutions. This was the starting point for an international exchange across cultural, linguistic and disciplinary boundaries.


Politik ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bjørn Olav Utvik

The political successes of Islamists following the Arab uprisings of 2011 makes understanding Islamism more important than ever. ey have long been central to oppositional politics in the Arab world. Now they may well become a dominant factor in the emerging new regimes. A necessary starting point is to recognise that the Islamists played a pivotal role in the Arab spring from the start. Furthermore, to grasp the possible ways in which the Islamists may in uence developments to come, research must turn away from essentialising their Islamic ideology and discover the contradictory impulses driving these complex and dynamic social movements. 


Author(s):  
Barbara Thomaß

A normative or a functionalist perspective on the role of mass media in pluralistic societies is the starting point for analysis of the role of the media in changing societal systems. The correlation between media shifts and societal shifts is striking in transformation processes. Communication scholars have studied this correlation in respect of the transformation in Eastern Europe, the upheavals in the Arab world, but less in the various waves of transformation and case groups. The uncoupling of the media system from the political system, which is typical for the shift from a totalitarian or authoritarian society to a pluralist one, is restructuring processes with an organizational, an economic, and a cultural dimension. It has been modelled in several phases although the actual developments show how these phases can overlap, sustain setbacks, or occur rapidly. Recent research concentrates on these new patterns of transitions and the inherent conflicts.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-292
Author(s):  
SIRIPAN NOGSUAN SAWASDEE

AbstractThis article applies the concept of hybrid regimes to evaluate the state of political transition in Indonesia and Thailand. It aims to answer why the transition to democracy in Indonesia during 1999–2004 was successful, while the transition in Thailand during 1997–2006 culminated in a reversion to authoritarianism by examining the social profiles and formation of cabinet and parliament members as well as the design of constitutions. The study suggests that the lack of inclusiveness helps explain why democratization in Thailand was in failure. During the transition period, inclusiveness has not markedly increased because of the leadership strongman style, the flaws in the recruitment process, and the problem with the party system. This was unlike Indonesia, where cabinet, parliament, and multiparty system were able to include a variety groups and broad societal segments that played a significant role in deliberating political rules of the game. Indonesia's institutional rearrangements appear to sustain popular participation and engender momentum for fostering democracy, while Thailand's constitutional re-engineering contains many provisions to disempower the elected bodies. The perpetuation of the hybrid regime in Thailand is foreseeable as the hybridity satisfies the needs and concerns of the traditional elites and the urban middle class.


2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Weideman

AbstractUnder the Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli regimes, the early 20th-century women's rights advocate Tahar Haddad (1899–1935) was a symbol of “state feminism.” Nationalist intellectuals traced the 1956 Personal Status Code to Haddad's work, and Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli claimed to “uphold” his ideals and “avenge” the persecution he suffered at the hands of the ʿulamaʾ at the Zaytuna mosque-university. Breaking with “old regime” narratives, this article studies Haddad as a reformist within Tunisia's religious establishment. Haddad's example challenges the idea that Islamic reformists “opened the door to” secularists in the Arab world. After independence, Haddad's ideas were not a starting point for Tunisia's presidents, but a reference point available to every actor in the political landscape.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Christine Ngoc Ngo ◽  
Marco R. Di Tommaso ◽  
Mattia Tassinari ◽  
John Marcus Dockerty

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-122
Author(s):  
Dean Hammer

Abstract My starting point is a fundamental paradox that lies at the heart of the slow demise of the Roman Republic: why does the system collapse when, as many scholars have noted, there is nothing that suggests that there was ever an intention by anyone to overthrow the Republic? Understanding this paradox is key to identifying what Rome might have to say to us today. What changes in the final decades of the Roman Republic is a declining view of the ability of political institutions to project the community into the future. This change is due to important alterations in the norms that provide the background context by which individuals working through institutions can get things done. The changes in these norms not only disable these institutions, making them seem less capable of projecting the community into the future, but also make possible alterations in the political framework that might have been inconceivable before. In particular, one sees the elevation of individuals who offer solutions by promising to bypass those ineffective and unresponsive institutions.


2013 ◽  
pp. 55-66
Author(s):  
Баярхүү Д

Ойрхи Дорнод, Арабын ертөнц 2011 оны турш дэлхий нийтийг гайхшруулсан, одоо ч гайхшруулсаар байна. Бен Алийн, Мубаракийн, Каддафийн, Асадынхны, Салехын дэглэмүүд нурлаа, нурж байна. Арабын ба Персийн булангийн монархист орнуудад түүхэндээ улс төр-эдийн засгийн шинэчлэл хийгдэж байгаагүй, олон намын системийг ерөөсөө төлөвшүүлж байгаагүй (заримд нь бүр “А” ч байхгүй) ирснээс хэрэв дэглэм нурж, улс төрийн орон зай онгойвол цаашаа яах вэ гэдгээс үүдсэн гайхшрал, зарим талаар эргэлзээ ойрын ганц хоёр жил байтугай олон жилээр үргэлжлэхээр байна.   “Arab Spring” vs “Islam Revolution” The Middle East, Arab World have admired the world for 2011. Ben Ali, Mubarak, Kaddaf, Asadin, Saleh regimes were collapsed. The political and economic reform was not conducted in a history of monarchy countries in Arabia and Persain, multiparty system was not formed (some even have no ideas). As a result the regime failed and what should do in the future, the admiration, if political space will open might continue not only for one or two years but for years.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-219
Author(s):  
Meindert E. Peters

Friedrich Nietzsche's influence on Isadora Duncan's work, in particular his idea of the Dionysian, has been widely discussed, especially in regard to her later work. What has been left underdeveloped in critical examinations of her work, however, is his influence on her earlier choreographic work, which she defended in a famous speech held in 1903 called The Dance of the Future. While commentators often describe this speech as ‘Nietzschean’, Duncan's autobiography suggests that she only studied Nietzsche's work after this speech. I take this incongruity as a starting point to explore the connections between her speech and Nietzsche's work, in particular his Thus Spoke Zarathustra. I argue that in subject and language Duncan's speech resembles Nietzsche's in important ways. This article will draw attention to the ways in which Duncan takes her cues from Nietzsche in bringing together seemingly conflicting ideas of religion and an overturning of morality; Nietzsche's notion of eternal recurrence and the teleology present in his idea of the Übermensch; and a renegotiation of the body's relation to the mind. In doing so, this article contributes not only to scholarship on Duncan's early work but also to discussions of Nietzsche's reception in the early twentieth century. Moreover, the importance Duncan ascribes to the body in dance and expression also asks for a new understanding of Nietzsche's own way of expressing his philosophy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.


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