scholarly journals Narasi Islamisme dan Pesantren: Pola Penolakan Islam Politik di Pondok Pesantren Gontor Ponorogo

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 154-166
Author(s):  
Herlambang Andi Prasetyo Aji
Keyword(s):  
Religious Education ◽  
Research Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Research Subjects ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The People ◽  
Being Religious

The polemic between religion and the nation-state is very recurrent and has the potential to strengthen when there are some critical changes in the political landscape. This case is reinforced by the results of a survey with the theme of scholars and nation-states, which reached 71.56 percent of scholars who received and 16.44 percent of scholars who rejected nation-states with different backgrounds. The purpose of this study is to explain the narrative of Islamism and its patterns of rejection in Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. The research method used is ethnographic in the sense of understanding the practice and life of individuals as part of a wider community and scope, with research subjects being religious scholars who are people with a formal religious education background in Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. The results showed that in facing the narrative of Islamism, the people of Pondok Modern Darusalam Gontor used a puritanical (puritanical moderate Islam) discourse of Islam with the perspective of political Islamization. Political Islamization does not mean that it wants to break down the ideology of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia, but rather still accepts the concept of the NKRI nation-state, including the ideology of Pancasila, only to clarify the basis and objectives following Islam by being semi-rejectionist towards a controversial interpretation of government.   Polemik yang terjadi antara agama dan negara-bangsa sangat recurrent dan berpotensi menguat ketika terjadi beberapa perubahan penting dalam lanskap politik. Hal ini diperkuat dengan hasil survei dengan tema ulama dan negara bangsa yang mencapai angka 71,56 persen ulama yang menerima dan 16,44 persen ulama yang menolak negara-bangsa dengan latar belakang berbeda. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menjelaskan narasi Islamisme dan pola penolakannya di Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah etnografis dalam pengertian untuk memahami praktik serta kehidupan individu sebagai bagian dari komunitas serta cangkupan yang lebih luas, dengan subjek penelitian adalah religious scholar yang merupakan orang-orang yang berlatar belakang pendidikan agama secara formal di Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa dalam menghadapi narasi Islamisme masyarakat Pondok Modern Darusalam Gontor menggunakan wacana Islam moderat puritan (puritanical moderat Islam) aksepsionis dengan kacamata Islamisasi politik. Islamisasi politik bukan berarti ingin merobohkan ideologi NKRI, tetapi tetap menerima konsep negara-bangsa NKRI, termasuk ideologi Pancasila, hanya saja lebih memperjelas dasar dan tujuan-tujuan yang sesuai dengan Islam dengan bersikap semi-rejeksionis terhadap interpretasi pemerintah yang kontroversial.

scholarly journals Narasi Islamisme dan Pesantren: Pola Penolakan Islam Politik Di Pondok Pesantren Gontor Ponorogo

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-94
Author(s):  
Herlambang Andi Aji
Keyword(s):  
Religious Education ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Boarding School ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Research Subjects ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The People ◽  
Islamic Politics ◽  
Being Religious

Abstrak: Polemik yang terjadi antara agama dan negara-bangsa sangat recurrent dan berpotensi menguat ketika terjadi beberapa perubahan penting dalam lanskap politik. Pesantren merupakan salah satu benteng terhadap narasi Islamisme. Setiap pesantren memiliki pola penolakan yang berbeda. Fokus penelitian ini adalah pola penolakan narasi Islamisme di pondok pesantren modern Gontor. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menjelaskan narasi Islamisme dan pola penolakannya di Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah etnografis dalam pengertian untuk memahami praktik serta kehidupan individu sebagai bagian dari komunitas serta cangkupan yang lebih luas, dengan subjek penelitian adalah religious scholar yang merupakan orang-orang yang berlatar belakang pendidikan agama secara formal di Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa dalam menghadapi narasi Islamisme masyarakat Pondok Modern Darusalam Gontor menggunakan wacana Islam moderat puritan (puritanical moderat Islam) aksepsionis dengan kacamata Islamisasi politik. Islamisasi politik bukan berarti ingin merobohkan ideologi NKRI, tetapi tetap menerima konsep negara-bangsa NKRI, termasuk ideologi Pancasila, hanya saja lebih memperjelas dasar dan tujuan-tujuan yang sesuai dengan Islam dengan bersikap semi-rejeksionis terhadap interpretasi pemerintah yang kontroversial. Kata Kunci: Islamisme, Pesantren, Negara-Bangsa Title: The Narration of Islamism and Pesantren: Pattern of Rejection of Islamic Politics at Pondok Pesantren Gontor Ponorogo Abstract: The polemic between religion and the nation-state is very recurrent and has the potential to strengthen when there are some important changes in the political landscape. Pesantren is one of the strongholds against the narrative of Islamism. Each pesantren has a different pattern of rejection. The focus of this study is the pattern of rejection of the narrative of Islamism in the modern boarding school of Gontor. The purpose of this study is to explain the narrative of Islamism and its patterns of rejection in Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. The research method used is ethnographic in the sense of understanding the practice and life of individuals as part of a wider community and scope, with research subjects being religious scholars who are people with a formal religious education background in Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor. The results showed that in facing the narrative of Islamism, the people of Pondok Modern Darusalam Gontor used a puritanical (puritanical moderate Islam) discourse of Islam in terms of political Islamization. Political Islamization does not mean that it wants to break down the ideology of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia, but still accept the concept of the NKRI nation-state, including the ideology of Pancasila, only to clarify the basis and objectives in accordance with Islam by being semi-rejectionist towards a controversial interpretation of government.

Sovereignty’s Scribbled form in King John

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas P. Anderson
Keyword(s):  
Political Efficacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
Political Condition ◽  
Absolute Power ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Collateral Effects ◽  
King John

This chapter explores a concept of the nation-state defined in terms of leagues, friendships, and amity between England and France in King John. The play consistently describes the evolving relationship between nations in terms of friendship and hospitality. Constance’s desperate question, ‘France friend with England! What becomes of me?’ (2.2.35) after the rival nations become momentary allies, captures the challenge that national sovereignty poses to a subject’s liberty. In its depiction of this geo-political friendship, King John interrogates the powerful claims of an emerging bureaucratic network of authority exemplified by the Bastard’s relationship with what the play calls ‘borrowed majesty’ (1.1.4) and ‘perjured kings’ (3.1.33). In arguing that King John makes explicit the political condition of friendship in depicting rival nation-states, the chapter makes the case that the Bastard’s new sovereign relationship radically redefines a political subject as a bawd or broker in a bureaucratic network with radical, albeit unrealized, political potential. The Bastard—a bureaucrat with royal blood—is well aware that his fugitive survival and political efficacy are contingent on how he responds to the unintended contours of the sovereign decision, to its collateral effects that exceed ordered and absolute power, in other words, to that which allows him to act legitimately, with bureaucratic sovereignty, both inside and outside of the law.

scholarly journals The Radical Politics of Nation-States: The Case of President Rodrigo Duterte

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Ryan Baquero Maboloc
Keyword(s):  
Political Conflict ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Local Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Radical Politics ◽  
Alternative Framework ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status

The advent of terrorism in the midst of political conflict requires an understanding of local context and history. Anti-establishment leaders like President Rodrigo Duterte expose the limits of liberalism. By applying the critical distinction between “politics” and the “political,” we can imagine an alternative framework in our desire to unravel the narrative of Duterte’s communitarian style. Disruption is not simply meant to put into question the status quo. The goal of progressive leadership is to transform society in ways that will improve the difficult lives of the people. While the president’s critics say that he is authoritarian, it will be argued that radical means are needed to overcome the failures of Philippine democracy. 

scholarly journals TINDAKAN KOMUNIKASI DALAM TRADISI MAULUDAN DI DESA KEMUJA KABUPATEN MENDO BARAT PROVINSI KEPULAUAN BANGKA BELITUNG

Jurnal Common ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-229
Author(s):  
Rismawaty Rismawaty ◽  
Nova Deria
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Participant Observation ◽  
Research Subjects ◽  
Cultural Authenticity ◽  
Mutual Cooperation ◽  
Ethnographic Studies ◽  
Internet Searching ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
Communicative Actions

This research was conducted to explain the communication actions in the Mauludan Tradition. The focus of the problem in this study is how the orders, statements, requests, and non-verbal behavior in the Mauludan Tradition in Kemuja Village. The research method used is a qualitative research method of communication ethnographic studies. The research subjects were the Kemuja Village Community and the number of research informants was 6 (six) people obtained through the snowball techniques and purposive sampling. Data collection techniques through reference books, previous research, internet searching, participant observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation. The results showed that the people of Kemuja used Bangka Malay as a means of communication. Communicative actions contained in the Mauludan Tradition are the Actions of command: men are obliged to wear Muslim clothes when performing, Statements actions: bring food to the mosque for 2 consecutive days, Action of Request: as a form of gratitude and thanks to Allah SWT and as a respect for ancestors so that their lives are always on the right path. Non-Verbal Behavioral Actions: shaking hands with others as a form of apology and forging ties of friendship, carrying food from house to mosque as a form of mutual cooperation, gratitude for sustenance and sharing, wearing Muslim clothes and fragrances as a form of respect. The act of communication at the Mauludan event must continue to be celebrated so that people's lives are blessed to increase their faith and can continue to maintain cultural authenticity. The conclusion of this research is that the Communication Actions in the Mauludan Tradition in Kemuja Village runs in a solemn atmosphere and there is an exchange of certain symbols such as in the nganggung activities, the clothes used, and other accessories.

scholarly journals A Political Ontology of the Pandemic: Sovereign Power and the Management of Affects through the Political Ontology of War

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mattias Lehtinen ◽  
Tuukka Brunila
Keyword(s):  
Significant Role ◽  
Affect Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
Political Ontology ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
Political Communities

The COVID-19 pandemic has made relevant questions regarding the limits and the justifications of sovereign power as nation states utilize high degrees of power over populations in their strategies of countering the virus. In our article, we analyze a particularly important facet of the strategy of sovereignty in managing the affects caused by a pandemic, which we term the ontology of war. We analyze the way in which war plays a significant role in the political ontology of our societies, through its aiming to produce a unified political subject and an external enemy. Taking our theoretical cue from Butler’s thinking on frames of recognizability we extend her theory through augmenting it with affect theory to argue for how the frame of recognizability produced by the ontology of war fails to guide our understanding of the pandemic as a political problem, a failure that we analyze through looking at the affective register. We argue that the main affect that the nation state tries to manage, in relation to the pandemic, through the ontology of war is anxiety. We show that the nation state tries to alleviate anxiety by framing it through the ontology war, this leads to the appearance of a potentially racist and nationalist affective climate where the “enemy” is no longer felt to be the virus, but members of other nations as well as minorities. We argue that the pandemic reveals both the political ontology of war central to the foundation of our political communities, and how this ontology is used by the nation state to manage feelings of anxiety and insecurity. Ultimately, as we will discuss at the end of this article, this leads to failure.

Politik Hukum Pengaturan Organisasi Sayap Partai Politik dalam Hukum Positif Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-32
Author(s):  
Putra Perdana Ahmad Saifulloh
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Research Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
Positive Law ◽  
The People ◽  
The Law

This article aims to answers the problem of organizing the Political Parties Wings in Positive Law. This research used a normative juridical research method, with a statutory, historical, and conceptual approach. The result of this research shows that Legal Politics of the Wing of Political Parties in the Law on Political Parties in Indonesia is to strengthen political parties in carrying out broader articulation and aggregation of interests. As well as imparting significant role of political parties in carrying out their functions to connect with the people directly, especially in bridging and fighting for the people interests.

Netizens, Revolutionaries, and the Inalienable Right to the Internet

2019 ◽  
pp. 95-114
Author(s):  
Tok Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Corporate Ownership ◽  
Traditional Media ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Modes Of Thought ◽  
Media Corporations

This chapter examines the political implications of communal vernacular online art such as memes, mashups, and more. The tensions between these communal processes, and the various claims to authority, ownership, and censorship by institutions such as nation-states and media corporations, have erupted in epic cultural clashes regarding the very nature of art, freedom of speech, and politics. Such new moves challenge dominant regimes and dominant modes of thought, and are reconfiguring people’s relationship to the nation-state, traditional media, and corporate ownership of culture.

A Short History of the Cross-Class Coalition

2020 ◽  
pp. 85-90
Author(s):  
Yael Tamir
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Social Cooperation ◽  
Short History ◽  
Collective Effort ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
Modern Nation State

This chapter begins with narrating the creation of a cross-class coalition to offer all citizens a set of valuable goods and opportunities. It notes that nationalism started as a project of the elites, and in order to materialize it, they had to gather the support of the people. The chapter emphasizes that for social cooperation to prevail, participants need not attain identical goods and benefits; it is sufficient that they secure for themselves significant benefits they could not have otherwise acquired. It argues that membership in the nation became the relevant criteria for inclusion (and exclusion). Wealth, education, skills, and social status were still relevant for the distribution of power but could not be used as benchmarks for participation in the political game. The chapter also examines how the nation-state gave members of all classes a reason to participate in a collective effort to form a national political unit that would benefit (albeit in different ways and to a different extent) all its members. Ultimately, the chapter investigates why the emergence of the modern nation-state paved the way for inclusive social policies.

Renegotiating the empire, forging the nation-state: The Georgian case through the political economic thought of Niko Nikoladze and Noe Zhordania, c. 1870-1920

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Brisku
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual History ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
History Approach ◽  
Political Economic

This article begins with an observation of a contemporary and yet reoccurring political dilemma that small nation-states face with respect to larger states in being either inside or outside of supranational political entities regarding political and economic asymmetries. Employing an intellectual history approach, the article explores this dilemma with reference to the Georgian nation in late-nineteenth century Tsarist Russia and the early twentieth century, when that territory briefly became a nation-state: It explores this through the language of political economy articulated in the thoughts and actions of two founding Georgian national intellectual and political figures, the statesman Niko Nikoladze and Noe Zhordania, who was one of the first prime ministers. It argues that conceiving of the nation(state) primarily in economic terms, as opposed to exclusively nationalist ones, was more conducive to the option of remaining inside a supranational space.

scholarly journals Crisis and Belonging: Protest Voices and Empathic Solidarity in Post-Economic Collapse Iceland

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Heffernan
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Social Imaginary ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Democratic Reform ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The People ◽  
Economic Collapse ◽  
The Government ◽  
International Identity

This article explores the politics of belonging in Iceland in the context of an ethico-political project focused around increased transparency following the country’s 2008 banking collapse. By employing literature on autochthony (i.e., a return to, and interpretation of, “the local”), it examines the tensions that are reignited within and between nation-states during economic crisis. Through ethnography with ordinary Icelanders and the members of two protest movements, this research shows how Icelanders are cultivating a public voice to navigate the political constraints of crisis and reshaping Icelanders’ international identity from below in the wake of the collapse. To this end, the article accounts for the role of populist politics in re-embedding Iceland into the European social imaginary as an economically responsible and egalitarian nation. It then turns to highlight the push for meaningful democratic reform through collaborative, legislative exchange between the government and the people that resulted in a new—if not actually implemented—constitution. By exploring protest culture in Iceland, the article highlights the importance of public witnessing and empathic solidarity in building intercultural relations in an era of globalized finance and politics.

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