scholarly journals Urgensi Pemisahan Penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Umum Serentak Nasional dan Lokal

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-247
Author(s):  
Sirajuddin Sirajuddin ◽  
Febriansyah Ramadhan ◽  
Ilham Dwi Rafiqi

This paper aims to evaluate the simultaneous elections and view the legal politics of separating the implementation of the simultaneous national and local elections for strengthening democracy in Indonesia. This study uses a normative juridical research method with a statutory and conceptual approaches. The results of the study show that the implementation of simultaneous elections in 2019 provided problems for organizers and voters. One of the suggestions for reforming the elections is to separate local and national elections. The the legal politics objectives of separating the elections consist of two, namely the level of organizers and voters as well as aspects of the election process and the quality of election results. This separation is expected to remove voter pragmatism, and focus more on the vision and mission of the candidates. Political parties will also carry out their functions optimally, be focused, and be able to carry out political education as they should.

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-158
Author(s):  
Erindi Bejko

Abstract Political parties in Albania on several occasions during the past two decades have won the election in certain areas over 3 times in a row. While victory and governance of the same area, for sure creates a margin consumption which has affected the dynamics of the bastions at least in the recent national election. Parties are consumed in their strongholds if they decide the same candidates, either as a political force. In the focus of this article, will be the consuming steps of political parties in their stronghold areas, either reflecting the fall results during the election process. Will we have a final rupture in Albania consumption bastions of political parties and how would be the future of dynamic bastion, will be the question of this article scientific research. A fracture would have strongholds in shqipare perfuindimtare the consumption of political parties and how will be the future of dynamics will be bastions of this artikulil question scientific research. Bastion’s consumption occurs mainly from major political forces on the left if either of right on the study will be taken 4 constituencies which voted for the same party in three elections one by one. In our focus will be general elections, not local elections.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raivo Palmaru

Abstract Although numerous studies over the past 20 years have revealed a clear connection between content analysis statistics and the results of public opinion surveys, the media’s “minimal effects” hypothesis still remains the overwhelmingly prevailing view. Among other things, it is not clear which of the two influences the other: Do people’s political preferences influence the media or do the media influence people’s preferences? In order to test this, the results of the 1999 and 2003 general elections and the 2002 local elections in Estonia, as well as the results of current public opinion surveys, were compared to the coverage given to the campaigning parties in the largest Estonian newspapers. The analysis showed that the coverage of political parties in the print media, as determined by the frequency of valuative notations, described the election results to a great extent. It is noteworthy that a change in media content was followed by a change in public opinion. At the same time, an accumulation effect became obvious: The voters’ preferences for political parties accumulated diachronically during the course of several weeks based on the information that was available to them.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jurnal ARISTO

Women who run in local elections (constituencies) are still considered minimal. This condition is very apprehensive because the constitution has mandated the quota of 30 percent of women who must be filled political parties. But the quota has not been met due to the lack of political participation of women in the struggle for power in politics. Participation is low due to gender discrimination that shaped the social and psychological environment of women itself, thus narrowing women's political opportunities. Therefore, political parties are expected to seriously encourage the participation and political education of women.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-31
Author(s):  
R.K. Ogundeji ◽  
J.N. Onyeka-Ubaka

Election process and results in many countries have resulted in both political and economic instability of that country. Fair and credible election process and results must be evidence-based and statistical proven. This study employed a Bayesian procedure for the validation of election results. Based on Nigerian 2011 and 2015 presidential election results, Bayesian credible intervals were obtained to assess the credibility of Nigeria presidential election results. The study explores Bayesian methods using a Bayesian model called beta-binomial conjugate model to compute posterior probability of electoral votes cast and confirm if these votes are within Bayesian credible intervals. The results obtained showed that election outcomes for the two major political parties in Nigeria 2011 presidential election are not within Bayesian credible bounds while 2015 presidential election results are within computed Bayesian credible bounds. Also, in contrast to frequentist approach, applied Bayesian methodology exhibited smaller variance which is an indication that Bayesian approach is more efficient. Thus, for election to be fair, credible and acceptable by the electorates, Bayesian approach can be used to validate electoral process and results. Keywords: Bayesian Methods, Bayesian Credible Intervals, Beta-Binomial Model, Empirical Bayes, Nigeria Presidential Elections.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-47
Author(s):  
Ahmad Fanani ◽  
I Made Yudana ◽  
I Wayan Kertih

Political education is means for political parties to develop the quality of their cadres and party members in responding to challenges in the political world in Indonesia. This can be proven by the cases where high-ranking politicians have been involved in corruption cases, violating moral norms, and criminal acts. The formulation of the problem in the research is how the efforts of political parties in implementing political education for the community in Buleleng district in increasing public participation in general election contestation. What factors are the obstacles and supporters in carrying out political education. In this research method using qualitative research. By using interview and documentation methods. To check the validity of this study, the tringulation technique was used. And qualitative descriptive was used as data analysis. The results of the research show that the National Awakening Party of Buleleng Regency in political education is not discussed in depth but political education has been included in the work program that has been made by political party administrators, both in the fields of cadres, public policy, and public development. So that the research can draw the conclusion that the political education carried out by the National Awakening Party is to improve the quality of cadres, increase public intelligence about politics. Maintaining communication between DPAC and DPRanting with these activities Suggestion from the envious research is that there is a need for cadres who are involved in providing political inquiry, the Regional Leadership Council must disregard every activity carried out by DPAC and DPRanting.


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjan Brezovšek ◽  
Lea Smerkolj

The fundamental principle of the modern local self-government system is the transfer of decision-making on public matters to the lowest possible level, enabling citizens to identify themselves with the local political environment as much as possible. Local government is considered democratic if its performance is decisively and directly or indirectly influenced (through elected representatives that are entrusted with local-level tasks) by the citizens themselves. Local elections are frequently compared to national elections, even though data show that local elections have their own peculiarities that cannot be applied to the national level. This is especially true regarding the dominant role of non-partisan candidates, and the ever decreasing support for political parties. Without the latter, one cannot even imagine the national level of government because they represent the key actors in national democratic political systems. Regarding the degree of trust in political parties at the local level, one can identify a trend indicating that citizens have gained a greater awareness that local-level politics is not related to party adherence, and that individuals’ personalities and their alleged apolitical character is coming increasingly to the fore, which is reflected by a high number of eligible non-partisan candidates. Therefore, one can see in Slovenia that people have become frustrated over the politicisation of local-level politics by expressing an ever-greater desire to support non-partisan candidates for the leaders of their local communities. Thus, they seek the candidates whose performance is not politically marked so that they can more easily identify themselves with them. Keywords: • local democracy • local elections • parliamentary elections • political parties • non-partisan candidates • Slovenia


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soňa Kukučková ◽  
Eduard Bakoš

AbstractThough participatory budgeting (PB) is often discussed as a tool to bolster the level of civic participation and the quality of democracy, empirical research on the subject offers ambiguous results. In the Czech Republic, PB was introduced 5 years ago, and the number of implemented PBs has since increased substantially. The purpose of this article is to evaluate whether the use of PB is associated with higher voter turnout in municipal and parliamentary elections. Voter turnout in Czech municipalities that implemented PB is analyzed and compared with the control group of municipalities without PB. Considered by type of election, we found that the impact of PB use on voter turnout is higher for local elections than it is for national elections, which is in line with our assumptions. However, our results were significant for Prague districts only. Participatory budgeting could increase voter turnout in local election, but there are other factors that must be considered.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
R. Siti Zuhro

The politicization of the Indonesian bureaucracy in election is attracting great attention since it’s resulted in declining quality of democracy in this country. Although political change since 1998 has given greater strength to societal forces vis-à-vis the state, the fact is that the legacy of patronage network still exists. The politicization of the bureaucracy through the weakening of political parties and maintaining bureaucratic authoritarianism under the New Order government (1966-1998) was an important stimulus for this study. With the downfall of Soeharto’s New Order regime, the authoritarian nature of the bureaucratic system was not only exposed but also changed. These changes have put paid to questions about the involvement of political parties and the influence of societal forces in the formation of policy. The bureaucracy can no longer exist as it was in the New Order, and, in fact, has responded to societal needs by adjusting to the new political climate. In this context, Indonesian politics under the reformation era takes on a wider significance for one of the main results has been the emergence of bureaucratic pluralism – a more pluralistic political system that is more open to the influence of these societal forces. This study was conducted using literature review to understand theories and empirical experiences about the neutrality of the bureaucracy in both national elections and regional elections. This study showed that after 75 years of independence, Indonesia must continue to struggle to build a bureaucracy that is professional (effective and efficient) and politically neutral.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
R. Siti Zuhro

The politicization of the Indonesian bureaucracy in election is attracting great attention since it’s resulted in declining quality of democracy in this country. Although political change since 1998 has given greater strength to societal forces vis-à-vis the state, the fact is that the legacy of patronage network still exists. The politicization of the bureaucracy through the weakening of political parties and maintaining bureaucratic authoritarianism under the New Order government (1966-1998) was an important stimulus for this study. With the downfall of Soeharto’s New Order regime, the authoritarian nature of the bureaucratic system was not only exposed but also changed. These changes have put paid to questions about the involvement of political parties and the influence of societal forces in the formation of policy. The bureaucracy can no longer exist as it was in the New Order, and, in fact, has responded to societal needs by adjusting to the new political climate. In this context, Indonesian politics under the reformation era takes on a wider significance for one of the main results has been the emergence of bureaucratic pluralism – a more pluralistic political system that is more open to the influence of these societal forces. This study was conducted using literature review to understand theories and empirical experiences about the neutrality of the bureaucracy in both national elections and regional elections.


Author(s):  
Ugur Sadioglu ◽  
Kadir Dede ◽  
Ali Arda Yüceyılmaz

30 March 2014 Local Elections were held in Turkey at the end of an extraordinarily political process and in a highly polarized atmosphere. The election exceeded the limits of the characteristic of “being local” due to such developments recorded in the pre-election period as anti-government social opposition raised against Justice and Development Party (JDP) by Gezi Park protests, tension between judicial and executive organs resulting from the power struggle between the political, social and economic interest groups and corruption investigations opened against the ministers. Ruling JDP Government turned the election into a confidence vote and Turkey entered into the local election process with the new metropolitan model (“Whole City” model). Colorful, vivid and costly election process ended up with a political geography of local election, which should be subjected to new and important analyses. Thus this chapter discusses the issue of local autonomy over pre-election propaganda process, new metropolitan municipality model, election results and political geography analyses.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document