scholarly journals 2010 Local Elections- A Serious Warning to Parliamentary Political Parties

2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjan Brezovšek ◽  
Lea Smerkolj
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
Local Level ◽  
National Level ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Elected Representatives

The fundamental principle of the modern local self-government system is the transfer of decision-making on public matters to the lowest possible level, enabling citizens to identify themselves with the local political environment as much as possible. Local government is considered democratic if its performance is decisively and directly or indirectly influenced (through elected representatives that are entrusted with local-level tasks) by the citizens themselves. Local elections are frequently compared to national elections, even though data show that local elections have their own peculiarities that cannot be applied to the national level. This is especially true regarding the dominant role of non-partisan candidates, and the ever decreasing support for political parties. Without the latter, one cannot even imagine the national level of government because they represent the key actors in national democratic political systems. Regarding the degree of trust in political parties at the local level, one can identify a trend indicating that citizens have gained a greater awareness that local-level politics is not related to party adherence, and that individuals’ personalities and their alleged apolitical character is coming increasingly to the fore, which is reflected by a high number of eligible non-partisan candidates. Therefore, one can see in Slovenia that people have become frustrated over the politicisation of local-level politics by expressing an ever-greater desire to support non-partisan candidates for the leaders of their local communities. Thus, they seek the candidates whose performance is not politically marked so that they can more easily identify themselves with them. Keywords: • local democracy • local elections • parliamentary elections • political parties • non-partisan candidates • Slovenia

Regional features of local elections in 2020: Poltava region

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Petro Vorona ◽  
S. A. Solovey
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Opinion Leaders ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Party Building ◽  
Regional Features ◽  
Electoral Law

The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.

De provincieraadsverkiezingen van 24 november 1991

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-262
Author(s):  
Marleen Brans
Keyword(s):  
Regional Differences ◽  
Local Level ◽  
National Level ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Far Right ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Green Is ◽  
Comparison Of The Results

On the 24th of november 1991 the Belgian voters elected the 716 members of the nine provincial councils.The socialists are the biggest losers of this election, with the Volksunie as a close second. Also the Christian Democrats suffered a serious decline, mainly caused by the loss of the CVP in Flanders. The electoral gain of the Flemish Liberals is neutralized by the decline of the Liberal party in Wallonia. The Greens gain 32 seats, the Far Right 35. These national aggregates hide striking regional differences. The national success of the Green is mainly due to the spectacular growth of Ecolo in the Walloons. The success of the Far Right is the sole result of a multiplication of votes for Vlaams Blok in Flanders.  These results show that both the Flemish and the Walloon voters have sanctioned the traditional parties in a similar way. They opted, however, for totally different alternatives: the Flemish for the Far Right, the Walloons for the ecologists.The outcome of the provincial elections in the bilingual province of Brabant neatly mirrors these tendencies.In 1991 the outcome of the provincial elections showed a profile quite different from that of the national elections which were held on the same day. This is explained by the fact that the Flemish party Rossem, which won 3.2% of the votes, only ran for the national elections and not for the provincial elections. Hence, a considerable difference in voting behaviour on the national versus the local level. The comparison of the results of the national elections with those of the provincial confirms the claim that smaller parties generally score better at a lower level. In 1991 it can, however, not be said that the bigger parties did better on the national level.

Canada

2021 ◽  
pp. 193-213
Author(s):  
Christopher Cochrane ◽  
Jean-François Godbout ◽  
Jason Vandenbeukel
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
National Level ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Independent Effect ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Lower House ◽  
The Government

Canada is a federal parliamentary democracy with a bicameral legislature at the national level. Members of the upper House, styled the Senate, are appointed by the prime minister, and members of the lower House, the House of Commons, are elected in single-member plurality electoral districts. In practice, the House of Commons is by far the more important of the two chambers. This chapter, therefore, investigates access to the floor in the Canadian House of Commons. We find that the age, gender, and experience of MPs have little independent effect on access to the floor. Consistent with the dominant role of parties in Canadian political life, we find that an MP’s role within a party has by far the most significant impact on their access to the floor. Intriguingly, backbenchers in the government party have the least access of all.

Turnout

2019 ◽  
pp. 309-332
Author(s):  
Serguei Kaniovski
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Electoral Participation ◽  
Historical Trends ◽  
National Elections ◽  
The Past ◽  
The World

Within the past seventy years, citizens have cast some twenty-seven billion votes in national elections across the world. This impressive figure would likely double if votes cast in local elections and referenda were included. Electoral participation is a mass phenomenon. However, what exactly motivates people to vote? The question of why people vote has been at the center of positivist political theory. Political scientists and economists have devised numerous theories for why people may or may not vote, in addition to gathering an impressive amount of empirical evidence on the determinants of electoral participation. This chapter offers a bird’s-eye view of historical trends in voter turnout, theories of rational voting motivation, and the role of embedding political or socioeconomic environments, as exposed by empirical research.

Unis and Bna: the rôle of ‘Traditionalist’ parties in Niger, 1948–60

1975 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Finn Fuglestad
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Traditional Culture ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Party Leaders

The institutional framework imposed upon Niger in 1946, tended to function according to traditional political concepts, norms, notions and values. Hence the distinction established in this paper between ‘traditionalist’ (UNIS/BNA) and ‘modern’ political parties, refers to the degree of reliance upon this traditional culture and also to the degree to which party-leaders were able to manipulate the norms, notions, etc., of the traditional political systems, in order to gain influence within the new institutional framework. The French Administration, functioning largely as an indigenous chieftaincy, was to a certain extent forced to interfere in politics, since an electoral victory for a ‘modern’ political party (i.e. the évolués) would have to be interpreted—according to the logic of traditional political theory—as a loss of the ‘force’, ‘power’ or ‘luck’, without which the French could no longer be regarded as the legitimate rulers of Niger.If the French finally decided to collaborate with the évolués (and in the process disentangled themselves from the ‘chieftaincy-model’), it was because the évolués constituted the only group capable of grasping the intricate problems of economic development and of running a modern state.

Nationale onderwijsleerplannen, met name voor de moderne vreemde talen

1977 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
J.H.G.I. Giesbers
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
National Level ◽  
Curriculum Planning ◽  
Integral Approach ◽  
Cooperative Relationships ◽  
Teaching Learning ◽  
Centralization And Decentralization ◽  
National Framework ◽  
And Training

This paper consist of four parts. 1. National teaching -learning curricula. Concepts such as teaching -learning curriculum, planning-document (e.g. "schoolworkplan") and its functions are elaborated. Reasons are„given for the absence of a systematic and integral approach to the development of national teaching - learning curricula. 2. National teaching - learning curricula between the poles of centralization and decentralization. Centralizing and decentralizing tendencies should be considered complementary rather than polar. An antithetic either - or approach is rejected and prplaced by an.antinomic and-and view. This paper advocates a close and well-balanced cooperation between the national level (the creation of a national framework) and the local level (the concrete operationalization of that framework). 3. Consequences for teachers. This part discusses three functions of curricula, the connections between curriculum - knowledge - power, the role of teachers in the cooperative relationships mentioned under 2. In this context the inservice education and training of teachers should have a high priority. 4. Aanzet voor de ontwikkeling van een onderwijsleerplan moderne vreemde talen. This memorandum by van Ek en Groot is summarized and commented upon.

scholarly journals Facing financialization in the housing sector: A human right to adequate housing for all

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-114
Author(s):  
Ingrid Leijten ◽  
Kaisa de Bel
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Financial Markets ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Wealth Accumulation ◽  
Housing Conditions ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Social Good ◽  
The Right

Housing is increasingly seen as a vehicle for wealth accumulation rather than a social good. ‘Financialization’ of housing refers to the expanding and dominant role of financial markets and corporations in the field of housing, leading to unaffordable and insufficient housing and discrimination. Although clearly linked to the right to adequate housing, financialization and its effects are not often viewed from a human rights perspective. This article fleshes out this important link by illuminating the standards set in relation to the right to adequate housing enshrined in Article 11(1) ICESCR. It is shown that recently, human rights bodies have confronted the issue of financialization more directly, translating general requirements to this particular issue. Moreover, efforts at UN level are mirrored in initiatives at the local level, signalling the beginning of a shift towards a paradigm that complies with human rights. The financialization of housing and the response of human rights also allow for addressing a more general issue, namely the potential of majority protection in times of human rights backlash. In this regard, it is worth emphasising that human rights such as the right to adequate housing protect not only the extreme poor. In the context of financialization, this may contribute to better housing conditions as well as reconnect people to their human rights.

Bureaucracy, Political Parties, and Political Development

1973 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 600-607
Author(s):  
Gerald A. Heeger
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Policy Making Process

The growing role of governmental bureaucracy has been one of the most noted and discussed characteristics of developing political systems. The phenomenon of bureaucratic intervention in politics, already discernible in the 1950's in many of these states, has, so it seems, become the rule rather than the exception in the years that have followed. Despite the prevalence of the politicized bureaucracy, however, and the amount of discussion engendered by the phenomenon, die sources of bureaucratic growth and dominance in the developing states remain obscure. Most analysts emphasize the superior organization of the bureaucracy and argue that this organization, reinforced by die transfer of techniques from abroad and uncontested because of weak indigenous political institutions, provides much of the explanation for the aggrandizement of the bureaucracy in die policy-making process.

Taiwan-China city-level ties bypass central government

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
National Level ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Democratic Progressive Party ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Chinese Investment ◽  
National Governments ◽  
Progressive Party

Subject Relations between sub-national governments in Taiwan and China. Significance China is attempting to bypass Taiwan’s central government -- with which it has severed formal ties -- and forge better relations with major municipalities and locally elected leaders. These efforts have found greater success since recent local elections that dealt major setbacks to the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Impacts Politicians from both parties will be emboldened to turn to Chinese investment to stimulate local economies. Han Kuo-yu, newly elected mayor of Kaohsiung city, could lead the main opposition party’s comeback at the national level. Relations with China are likely to play a decisive role once again in Taiwan’s 2020 national elections.

scholarly journals The Role of Political Parties in SBY's Era of Leadership Period 2004-2014

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The People ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government

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