scholarly journals Diplomasi Publik Baru dalam Penyajian Informasi dan Gambaran Budaya Jepang oleh Saluran Youtube ‘only in Japan’

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Putri Mentari Racharjo ◽  
R.M.T. Nurhasan Affandi

The emergence of new media raises new forms of diplomacy, which one of them is the new public diplomacy. The emergence of new public diplomacy allows the public to be directly involved in the process of diplomacy. The practice of the new public diplomacy can be seen on Youtube, specifically on the ‘Only in Japan’ channel. This research is aimed to analyze the potrayal of Japanese culture on the Youtube channel "Only in Japan" with new public diplomacy theory. The problem formulated in this research is "What are the characteristics of the new public diplomacy on Youtube channel" Only in Japan? ". This research seeks to describe some of the characteristics of new public diplomacy from various international relations students that can be found on the Youtube channel 'Only in Japan'. In an effort to examine and understand this problem, researchers use qualitative methods by collecting data through interviews, literature studies, and online searches. This research shows that there are eight characteristics of the new public diplomacy on Youtube channel 'Only in Japan'. Not only does it contribute to Japan's branding to the global community, 'Only in Japan' Youtube channel also builds an interactive relationship with the global community.   Kemunculan media baru memunculkan bentuk-bentuk baru dari diplomasi, salahsatunya adalah diplomasi publik baru. Kemunculan diplomasi publik baru memungkinkan masyarakat untuk terlibat langsung dalam proses diplomasi. Salah satu praktik diplomasi publik baru dapat dilihat pada Youtube, secara khusus saluran Only in Japan. Riset ini ditujukan untuk melihat penyajian budaya Jepang dalam saluran Youtube ‘Only in Japan’ dengan teori diplomasi publik baru. Masalah yang dirumuskan dalam riset ini adalah “Karakteristik apa yang meMerupakan diplomasi publik baru dalam saluran Youtube ‘Only in Japan’?”. Riset ini berusaha untuk mendeskripsikan beberapa karakteristik diplomasi publik baru dari para penstudi hubungan internasional yang dapat terdapat dalam saluran Youtube ‘Only in Japan’. Dalam upaya mengkaji dan memahami masalah ini, periset menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pengumpulan data melalui wawancara, studi pustaka, dan penelusuran daring. Riset ini menunjukan bahwa terdapat delapan karakteristik diplomasi publik baru dalam saluran Youtube ‘Only in Japan’. Tidak hanya berkontribusi dalam branding Jepang terhadap masyarakat global, saluran ‘Only in Japan’ juga membangun hubungan interaktif dengan masyarakat global.

Author(s):  
Oğuz Göksu

In this chapter, the functional and pragmatic aspects of public diplomacy in Turkey are emphasized. The chapter tries to determine which values of Turkey are highlighted in the public diplomacy perspective. In general terms, it has been argued that the digital communication is an ideological understanding of public diplomacy practices or that the understanding that national interests are held in the forefront is heavy. In this study, two questions were asked in order to establish Turkey's public diplomacy perspective. The first question is What are the messages of Turkey to international community and foreign people in the digital age? The second question is How does Turkey communicate its message to the international community and foreign people in digital age and what tools do they use in this process? The answers to these questions were sought in general. The identified research questions were searched by digital applications, institutions' use of new media, and speech of person of government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-582
Author(s):  
Sophie L. Vériter ◽  
Corneliu Bjola ◽  
Joachim A. Koops

Summary The corona crisis is also a disinformation crisis for the global community in general, and for the European Union (EU) in particular. What is less clear is how adequate the EU’s response to the ‘infodemic’ has been. This essay exposes the dangers of disinformation for the EU, which have intensified in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, and reviews relevant EU responses. It then zooms in on two challenges exacerbated by the corona crisis: one internal, revolving around the toxic effect of conspiracy theories, particularly the corona-5G hoax; and one external, relating to the public diplomacy campaigns of competing geopolitical actors, especially China. The essay argues that the future of European stability will rest not only on ensuring societal resilience to disinformation and conspiracy theories but also on designing ethically guided pre-emptive mechanisms and confronting external sources of disinformation which jeopardise European health provisions, economic recovery and geoeconomic strength.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 313-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Pamment

Summary This article examines the relationship between theories of the ‘new’ public diplomacy and recent attempts by foreign ministries in the United Kingdom, United States and Sweden to develop public diplomacy strategies for the early twenty-first century. It provides a summary of policy debates in each nation alongside analysis of the evaluation methods that have been designed to support them. The article argues that expressions of a new public diplomacy are best explained within the constraints of different institutional and national cultures. Innovations in public diplomacy have typically taken place within the context of domestic demands for public accountability and value for money, pressures for empirical data to inform policy-making, and the increased centralization of public diplomacy activities. Evaluation plays an important role in improving actors’ capacities for newer forms of public diplomacy, but often by measuring the public diplomacy institution and its objectives, rather than whether the needs of foreign publics are met. This suggests that any paradigm shift from old to new public diplomacy has in practice centred on domestic and organizational concerns rather than the achievement of normative goals such as increased dialogue with foreign citizens.


2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 125-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen Huijgh

Calls to involve a wide range of actors in public diplomacy are coming thick and fast. Federated entities are waiting in line, hoping to advance their international influence and search for distinctiveness and self-affirmation. Despite the increasing interest the development of most federated entities’ public diplomacy has not yet moved out of the early phases: a borderline activity of ‘nation-branding’ and ‘paradiplomacy’. This is true not only in practice but also in the current research, a situation that this article aims to amend. To this end, it is not necessary to start anew but to expand upon more advanced cases in the field. Particular interest is given to Quebec, which is busy creating a distinct profile for public diplomacy and alluding to a more normatively inspired network model. This article examines the public diplomacy model of Quebec’s ministry of international relations, and interprets the findings for federated entities in light of new evolutions in the field. The article concludes that despite significant discourse on public diplomacy development, major reforms remain in the realm of theory.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Iva Rachmawati

This article places public diplomacy as an effort to preserve state’s existence in the international relations as well as to share identity in order to achieve mutual understanding by state and non-state actors. The conception of public diplomacy over the years has placed public diplomacy on the narrow framework of the state’s efforts to build a positive image. As a result, such efforts are ignorant of the important efforts of non-state actors in building a fundamental thing for the existence of a state, its identity. Through some historical facts, this article shows that public diplomacy is an effort not only held by the state but also non-state actors in communicating their identity. Both actions are within the public diplomacy of state design or done independently. State domination sometimes limits the movement of non-state actors, but on the contrary in the current era of openness provides wider opportunities for non-state actors to play a better and more independent role in preserving their existence as well as relations among citizen


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Adler-Nissen ◽  
Alexei Tsinovoi

Recognition, or the lack of it, is a central concern in International Relations. However, how states cope with international misrecognition has so far not been thoroughly explored in International Relations scholarship. To address this, the article presents a theoretical framework for understanding international misrecognition by drawing on discursive and psychoanalytical theories of collective identity formation and humour studies. The article conceptualises international misrecognition as a gap between the dominant narrative of a national Self and the way in which this national Self is reflected in the ‘mirror’ of the international Other. We argue that humour offers an important way of coping with misrecognition by ridiculing and thereby downplaying international criticism. The significance for international relations is illustrated through an analysis of the public diplomacy campaign ‘Presenting Israel’, which, through parodying video clips, mobilised ordinary Israeli citizens to engage in peer-to-peer public diplomacy when travelling abroad. Public diplomacy campaigns are commonly seen by scholars and practitioners as attempts to improve the nation’s image and smoothen or normalise international Self–Other relations. However, after analysing the discursive and visual components of the campaign — which parodied how European media portrayed Israel as primitive, violent and exotic — this article observes that in the context of international misrecognition, such coping attempts can actually contribute to further international estrangement.


First Monday ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexei Tsinovoi

The proliferation of new media has been hailed by academics and practitioners worldwide as a revolution in the conduct of international relations, with dialogical, reconciliatory, and democratizing potentials. Several years later, however, the evidence for such progressive potentialities is scarce. To better understand the actualized role of social media in international politics and deepen our understanding of the potentialities for progressive politics online, this article examines several examples of digital diplomacy initiatives by state and non-state actors. These examples highlight the growing political significance of online visibility management techniques — i.e., the various techno-political interventions by which actors attempt to make their messages accessible on online platforms. While early citizen-driven initiatives, such as the ‘Israel-Loves-Iran’ Facebook campaign, focused on strategic content production as a means to enhance their online visibility, later initiatives, such as the public-private partnership ‘4IL’, directed their efforts towards connectivity manipulation using medium-specific techniques which contest the visibility of others. This article concludes by arguing that fulfilling the progressive potentialities of digital diplomacy in this political terrain would not only require complementing content production with an effective engagement with the visibility arrangements of the platforms, but also a critical analytics of techno-social inclusions and exclusions, which this dual task generates.


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