scholarly journals International misrecognition: The politics of humour and national identity in Israel’s public diplomacy

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Adler-Nissen ◽  
Alexei Tsinovoi

Recognition, or the lack of it, is a central concern in International Relations. However, how states cope with international misrecognition has so far not been thoroughly explored in International Relations scholarship. To address this, the article presents a theoretical framework for understanding international misrecognition by drawing on discursive and psychoanalytical theories of collective identity formation and humour studies. The article conceptualises international misrecognition as a gap between the dominant narrative of a national Self and the way in which this national Self is reflected in the ‘mirror’ of the international Other. We argue that humour offers an important way of coping with misrecognition by ridiculing and thereby downplaying international criticism. The significance for international relations is illustrated through an analysis of the public diplomacy campaign ‘Presenting Israel’, which, through parodying video clips, mobilised ordinary Israeli citizens to engage in peer-to-peer public diplomacy when travelling abroad. Public diplomacy campaigns are commonly seen by scholars and practitioners as attempts to improve the nation’s image and smoothen or normalise international Self–Other relations. However, after analysing the discursive and visual components of the campaign — which parodied how European media portrayed Israel as primitive, violent and exotic — this article observes that in the context of international misrecognition, such coping attempts can actually contribute to further international estrangement.

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 125-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen Huijgh

Calls to involve a wide range of actors in public diplomacy are coming thick and fast. Federated entities are waiting in line, hoping to advance their international influence and search for distinctiveness and self-affirmation. Despite the increasing interest the development of most federated entities’ public diplomacy has not yet moved out of the early phases: a borderline activity of ‘nation-branding’ and ‘paradiplomacy’. This is true not only in practice but also in the current research, a situation that this article aims to amend. To this end, it is not necessary to start anew but to expand upon more advanced cases in the field. Particular interest is given to Quebec, which is busy creating a distinct profile for public diplomacy and alluding to a more normatively inspired network model. This article examines the public diplomacy model of Quebec’s ministry of international relations, and interprets the findings for federated entities in light of new evolutions in the field. The article concludes that despite significant discourse on public diplomacy development, major reforms remain in the realm of theory.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Putri Mentari Racharjo ◽  
R.M.T. Nurhasan Affandi

The emergence of new media raises new forms of diplomacy, which one of them is the new public diplomacy. The emergence of new public diplomacy allows the public to be directly involved in the process of diplomacy. The practice of the new public diplomacy can be seen on Youtube, specifically on the ‘Only in Japan’ channel. This research is aimed to analyze the potrayal of Japanese culture on the Youtube channel "Only in Japan" with new public diplomacy theory. The problem formulated in this research is "What are the characteristics of the new public diplomacy on Youtube channel" Only in Japan? ". This research seeks to describe some of the characteristics of new public diplomacy from various international relations students that can be found on the Youtube channel 'Only in Japan'. In an effort to examine and understand this problem, researchers use qualitative methods by collecting data through interviews, literature studies, and online searches. This research shows that there are eight characteristics of the new public diplomacy on Youtube channel 'Only in Japan'. Not only does it contribute to Japan's branding to the global community, 'Only in Japan' Youtube channel also builds an interactive relationship with the global community.   Kemunculan media baru memunculkan bentuk-bentuk baru dari diplomasi, salahsatunya adalah diplomasi publik baru. Kemunculan diplomasi publik baru memungkinkan masyarakat untuk terlibat langsung dalam proses diplomasi. Salah satu praktik diplomasi publik baru dapat dilihat pada Youtube, secara khusus saluran Only in Japan. Riset ini ditujukan untuk melihat penyajian budaya Jepang dalam saluran Youtube ‘Only in Japan’ dengan teori diplomasi publik baru. Masalah yang dirumuskan dalam riset ini adalah “Karakteristik apa yang meMerupakan diplomasi publik baru dalam saluran Youtube ‘Only in Japan’?”. Riset ini berusaha untuk mendeskripsikan beberapa karakteristik diplomasi publik baru dari para penstudi hubungan internasional yang dapat terdapat dalam saluran Youtube ‘Only in Japan’. Dalam upaya mengkaji dan memahami masalah ini, periset menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pengumpulan data melalui wawancara, studi pustaka, dan penelusuran daring. Riset ini menunjukan bahwa terdapat delapan karakteristik diplomasi publik baru dalam saluran Youtube ‘Only in Japan’. Tidak hanya berkontribusi dalam branding Jepang terhadap masyarakat global, saluran ‘Only in Japan’ juga membangun hubungan interaktif dengan masyarakat global.


2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha Merritt

Although narratives of national identity feature territory, myths, and historical memories presumably shared by members,1 national identity formation is an ongoing process with changeable membership and boundaries.2 One of the more complex challenges to a national “imagined community” has been the significant presence in Estonia of cultural Russians3 after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, at that time one-third and now some 28% of the small country's population. The often grudging accommodation of cultural Russians by the titular nationality continues to draw attention from international organizations, scholars, and policymakers alike. Undoubtedly the commentary least welcome to Estonian governments in the last decade, however, has been the thunder of denunciation from Russia. In a great spillover from domestic concerns about Slavic identity to international relations, Estonia has been ranked as Russia's greatest enemy, and political figures across the spectrum have condemned Estonian citizenship and language policies.4


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Iva Rachmawati

This article places public diplomacy as an effort to preserve state’s existence in the international relations as well as to share identity in order to achieve mutual understanding by state and non-state actors. The conception of public diplomacy over the years has placed public diplomacy on the narrow framework of the state’s efforts to build a positive image. As a result, such efforts are ignorant of the important efforts of non-state actors in building a fundamental thing for the existence of a state, its identity. Through some historical facts, this article shows that public diplomacy is an effort not only held by the state but also non-state actors in communicating their identity. Both actions are within the public diplomacy of state design or done independently. State domination sometimes limits the movement of non-state actors, but on the contrary in the current era of openness provides wider opportunities for non-state actors to play a better and more independent role in preserving their existence as well as relations among citizen


1994 ◽  
Vol 88 (2) ◽  
pp. 384-396 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Wendt

The neorealist-neoliberal debate about the possibilities for collective action in international relations has been based on a shared commitment to Mancur Olson's rationalist definition of the problem as one of getting exogenously given egoists to cooperate. Treating this assumption as a de facto hypothesis about world politics, I articulate the rival claim that interaction at the systemic level changes state identities and interests. The causes of state egoism do not justify always treating it as given. Insights from critical international relations and integration theories suggest how collective identity among states could emerge endogenously at the systemic level. Such a process would generate cooperation that neither neorealists nor neoliberals expect and help transform systemic anarchy into an “international state”—a transnational structure of political authority that might undermine territorial democracy. I show how broadening systemic theory beyond rationalist concerns can help it to explain structural change in world politics.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shay Attias

Summary The new Israeli public diplomacy approach seeks to empower Israeli citizens to utilize their position both as information consumers and producers in order to participate in grass-roots public diplomacy efforts. So-called ‘peer-to-peer diplomacy’ reflects the shift from ‘old public diplomacy’, where the nation-state has since 1960 been the sole actor in international relations, to today’s reality where average citizens play an increasingly important role. The notion of ‘peer-to-peer’ (P2P) describes the latest development in diplomatic practice, wherein civilians — by virtue of social media — are not only consumers of government information, but also information producers, with the potential to bypass existing official government bodies. Today’s public diplomacy is about more than governments employing ‘soft and smart power’. It is increasingly about dealing and collaborating with a public that can obtain and produce the information themselves.


2016 ◽  
pp. 84-106
Author(s):  
Šárka Waisová ◽  
Ladislav Cabada

The article develops the traditional theoretical framework of public diplomacy, used in international relations since decades, into the new approach – the nation branding. The nation branding became very popular practice within the public diplomacy and more general “applied foreign cultural policy” in the last two decades. The development of new communication tools such as the Internet and social networks challenged the public diplomacy approaches and brought search for new communication tools the state can use towards the public of other states. Our analysis focus on the Czech example that is incorporated into more general East-Central European frame.


Author(s):  
Dr Naureen Nazar Soomro ◽  
Sohni Siddiqui ◽  
Ghulam Murtaza Khoso

Globalization has brought huge changes in every section of life, including education. The international relations have been impacted on by globalization as well. The students, scholars and researchers, these days, are regarded as actors in diplomacy. Education diplomacy is considered as an important tool in the conduct of international relations worldwide. The public diplomacy through provision of education opportunities, known as soft power tool, has emerged as a new trend by which countries extend their national interests and attempt to shape the preferences of others and affecting their behaviour in one’s favour. International Education has proved to be a major contributor to soft power goals and has emerged as an important part of public diplomacy that has created many advantages. The countries anticipate, by means of education diplomacy, the promotion of nation’s policy priorities and interests and subsequently, to contribute to country’s economic development and investment. The present study aims to explore the soft power goals of the Southeast Asian Countries. It further explores the goals that are achieved by the countries through implementation of public diplomacy in education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 173-196
Author(s):  
Viktorija Kudra Beroš ◽  

Given their role in the preservation and protection of an authentic and credible trace of the past (documents) and, consequently, national identity, archives are considered places of choice for interpreting and representing shared memory and the past. Emphasising authenticity and credibility frames archives as seemingly neutral institutions in terms of politics and ideology. However, the trace that provides an insight into the “truth and knowledge” of our (individual and collective) past “that makes us what we are” needs to be questioned. Since the archiving procedure is based on the processes of inclusion and exclusion in all segments of everyday interpretation of material, the archive is a political and ideological institution that takes its place in the order of political power. This paper discusses the role of the archive as a place of preservation of “shared past and history” as an important part of national identity through the prism of institutional apparatuses or forms of knowledge/power (example of architecture) and technologies or manners of articulating and practising knowledge/power (example of everyday practice). The paper points to the role of archives in the (re)interpretation and (re)vision of shared memories, collective history and national identity on the examples of the Croatian State Archives and Archives of Yugoslavia, in the context of changes in the symbolic and political order (SFRY/Croatia). By constructing national memory and narratives of nationality through narratives of history and memory, and by constructing “truth” (knowledge) through exclusion and inclusion, archives (just like museums and libraries) have a role to play in “imagining” the community–nation. Or, according to the theory of performative identity (Foritier 2000), everyday practice that takes place in archives is an institutional identity practice that contributes to the unification and homogenisation of the community through a policy of interpretation by performing and producing (performative) memory (collective identity formation).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Susan Wild

<p>The desire to construct a sense of home and the need to belong are basic to human society, and to the processes of its cultural production. Since the beginning of New Zealand’s European colonial settlement, the determination to create and reflect a separate and distinctive collective identity for the country’s Pākehā population has been the primary focus of much local creative and critical literature. Most literary histories, like those of Patrick Evans (1990) and Terry Sturm (1991), have followed the narrative of progression – established initially in E.H. McCormick’s Letters and Art in New Zealand (1940) – away from colonial dependency through delineated stages from provincial and cultural nationalist phases to the achievement of a bicultural and multicultural consensus in a globalized, international context.  This thesis questions the progressivist assumption which often informs that narrative, arguing instead that, while change and progress have been evident in the development of local notions of identity in the country’s writing over time, there is also a pattern of recurrent concerns about national identity that remained unresolved at the end of the last century. This complex and nuanced picture is disclosed in particular in the uncertain and shifting nature of New Zealand’s relationship with Australia, its response towards expatriates, a continuing concern with the nature of the ‘reality’ of ‘New Zealandness’, and the ambivalence of its sense of identity and place within a broader international context. New Zealand’s national anthologies of verse and short fiction produced over the twentieth century, and their reception in the critical literature that they generated, are taken in the thesis as forming a microcosmic representation of the major concerns that underlie the discourse of national identity formation in this country. I present an analysis of the canonical literary anthologies, in particular those of verse, and of a wide range of critical work focused on responses to the historical development of local literature. From this, I develop the argument that a dual, interlinked pattern, both of progress and of reversion to early concerns and uncertainties, is evident.  The thesis is structured into six chapters: an introductory chapter outlines the national and international historical contexts within which the literary contestation of New Zealand identity has developed; the second outlines the contribution of influential literary anthologies to the construction of various concepts of New Zealandness; three chapters then address particular thematic concerns identified as recurring tropes within the primary and secondary literature focused on the discourse of national identity – the ‘problem’ of the expatriate writer, the search for ‘reality’ and ‘authenticity’ in the portrayal of local experience, and New Zealand’s literary response towards Australia; and the Conclusion, which summarizes the argument presented in the thesis and provides an assessment of its major findings. A Bibliography of the works cited in the text is appended at the end of the thesis.</p>


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