scholarly journals On Two Factors of National Identity: Orientation and Social Structure of Society

wisdom ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (7) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Ashot VOSKANIAN
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Social Structure ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Self Reliance ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Identity Orientation

Given peculiarity of Armenian history, the Armenian political thought for centuries debated around geopolitical orientation between neighboring great powers. In post-Soviet reflections, however, the emphasis has been moved towards self-reliance, and the very principle of political orientation was questioned. The attitude towards Israel Ori, whose name was viewed as a symbol of the principle of orientation, became the locums for determining the political-ideological disposition of debater, as well as understanding their approaches towards different concepts of national identity. A brief comparison between the conceptual paradigms of two renowned historians Ashot Hovhannisyan (1887-1972) and Leo (Arakel Babakhanyan, 1860-1932) in relation to their attitude towards Israel Ori aims to demonstrate that questioning of the very principle of orientation has much deeper roots in Armenian historical studies than commonly is believed. It also illuminates the complex relationship between principle of orientation and desired model of social structure of society, which these two classics have revealed in rather different ways.

Authenticity, hybridity, and difference

Focaal ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 2005 (45) ◽  
pp. 71-93
Author(s):  
Wil G. Pansters
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Politics ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Authentic Identity ◽  
Recent Developments

This article studies the transformation of the debate about national culture in twentieth-century Mexico by looking at the complex relationship between discourses of authenticity and mestizaje. The article firstly demonstrates how in the first half of the twentieth century, Mexican national identity was constructed out of a state-led program of mestizaje, thereby supposedly giving rise to a new and authentic identity, the mestizo (nation). Secondly, it is argued that the authentication project around mestizaje is riddled with paradoxes that require explanation. Thirdly, the article studies the political dimension of the authenticity discourse and demonstrates how the homogenizing and unifying forces that spring from the process of authentication played an important role in buttressing an authoritarian regime. Fourthly, the article looks at two recent developments: indigenous cultural politics and transnationalism. Here it is shown how discourses of difference, pluralism, and transnationalism are challenging the central tenets of Mexican post-revolutionary national culture and the boundaries of the national Self.

scholarly journals Mother Tongue and the Origins of Nationalism

2006 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2 (2)) ◽  
pp. 123-131
Author(s):  
Armen Ayvazyan
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Cultural Awareness ◽  
Mother Tongue ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
National Language ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Settings ◽  
High Level

The article offers a comparative analysis of the data in Armenian, English, French and Russian sources trying to comment on the political and social settings in which a native language becomes a subject of nationwide love and pride. The author concludes that it happens when an ethnic group, which has already attained a high level of cultural awareness, adopts consistent and stable features typical of a nation. Later, with the support of the political elite, the intelligentsia carries out the further elaboration of the national self-consciousness which, in its turn, aims to analyze the elements of the national identity (including the national language) and to give theoretical and ideological explanations substantiating their necessity and efficiency.The author of the article states that as far back as the 5th century the Armenian intelligentsia highly regarded the cultural and political and strategic significance of the Armenian Language. Following the observations made by Pavstos Byuzand, Movses Khorenatsi and Yeghishe, the author comments on the clarity of the Armenian national self-consciousness and the high level of ideologization of the Armenian political thought. *  This is an abridged version of the study with the same title that was originally published by the author in Armenian as Mayreni lezun yev azgaynakanutian skzbnavorume. haykakan yev yevropakan skzbnaghbyurneri hamematakan knnutiun (Yerevan, Matenadaran: Artagers, 2001, the updated 2nd ed. was published in 2004).

The Bristol school of multiculturalism

Ethnicities ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Brahm Levey
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Sense Of Belonging ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Community ◽  
Majority Culture ◽  
Cultural Minorities ◽  
The Status ◽  
The University ◽  
Western Democracies

Tariq Modood, Bhikhu Parekh, Nasar Meer and Varun Uberoi are well known for their defence of multiculturalism in Britain and beyond. The article contends that the collective oeuvre of these and other scholars associated with the University of Bristol’s Centre for the Study of Ethnicity and Citizenship represents a distinctive and important school of multicultural political thought, a ‘Bristol school of multiculturalism’. The school challenges the liberal biases of much of the corpus of multicultural political thinking and the nostrums of British and other western democracies regarding the status of the majority culture as well as of cultural minorities. It is an identarian and assertive multiculturalism that, above all, seeks inclusion and a sense of belonging in the national community. The article situates the Bristol school in the British context in which it arose, outlines its distinctive approach and principles and critically assesses its positions on liberalism and national identity. It also raises the question of the political acceptability of the Bristol school’s ‘muscular multiculturalism’.

scholarly journals Recomposing National Identity: Four Transcultural Readings of Liszt's Marche hongroise d'après Schubert

2016 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 409-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shay Loya
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Chronological Order ◽  
Solo Piano ◽  
Significant Aspect ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Face ◽  
New Type

Liszt's Mélodies hongroises d'après Schubert, a solo piano transcription of Schubert's four-hand Divertissement à l'hongroise, provides an interesting example of the complex relationship between centers and peripheries, and between personal patriotism and public nationalism. The first transcription (S. 425, 1838–39) stands at the very beginning of Liszt's career as a “national composer,” the most significant aspect of this rather overlooked fact being Liszt's transformation of the second movement—a naive, dance-like march—into “republican” heroic music driven toward an apotheosis à la Beethoven. This heralded a new type of national genre, and Liszt deemed the march movement important enough to be published on its own in numerous versions between 1838 and 1883. Yet this Marche hongroise was not merely nationalist: it related to other, non-Hungarian identities, most notably French and Austrian. Later versions (from 1859 onward) allowed Liszt to express a progressive, liberal Hungarian identity in the face of a rising tide of chauvinism. Four transcultural readings of the work, both complementary and conflicting, follow Liszt's revisions in roughly chronological order, interpreting the work as, in turn, a nationalist reclamation of Hungarian music, a republican response to the political status quo, the construction of an Austro-Hungarian identity, and a discontinuous text in which new, modernist ideas often merge or conflict with older ones, forcing a fresh renegotiation of national identity.

Machiavelli, Niccolò (1469–1527)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary G. Dietz
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Republican Government ◽  
The Times ◽  
Political Thinker ◽  
The City

Florentine diplomat, dramatist and political thinker, Machiavelli’s treatise, Il principe (The Prince) (1532a), has earned him notoriety as a political immoralist (or at least an amoralist) and a teacher of evil. In The Prince, Machiavelli posits a complex relationship between ethics and politics that associates princely virtù with the capacity to know and act within the political world as it ‘is’, and with the beastly abilities to dispense violence and practise deception. Behind this argument dwells the distinctly Machiavellian insight that politics is a realm of appearances where the practice of moral or Christian virtues often results in a prince’s ruin, while knowing ‘how not to be good’ may result in greater security and wellbeing for both prince and people. Machiavelli warns that the prince’s possibilities for success in this matter are always mediated by fortune; hence the prudent prince is one who is prepared to resist fortune by adapting his procedure to the times and his nature to ‘the necessity of the case’. A less notorious but equally influential text is the Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio (Discourses on the First Ten Books of Titus Livy) (1531), in which Machiavelli offers a defence of popular liberty and republican government that takes the ancient republic of Rome as its model and emphasizes the role of the people in the ‘public administration’ of the city. However, Machiavelli also argues that a republic is only as successful in self-governance as its citizens are infused with civic virtùand therefore not corrupted. Accordingly, he praises the work of political founders who craft republican laws and institutions, and religious founders who fuse God and patria as one in the people’s hearts. The apparent tension between Machiavelli’s republican sympathies in Discourses and his elitist proclivities in The Prince has helped to fuel a vast interpretive literature concerning his political attitudes, his theory of politics, and the nature and meaning of ‘machiavellianism’ in Western political thought.

Republican Imperialism

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan Bell
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Basic Features ◽  
At Home

This chapter first utilizes John Stuart Mill's writings to sketch the basic features of the “liberal civilizational” position. It outlines, in broad terms, the republican alternative. The complex relationship between empire and liberty has been a prominent theme in European political thought for over two millennia. For many writers, the two were intimately linked: liberty at home was compatible with (or even required) empire abroad—although empire itself, if understood and enacted improperly, could pose a threat to that very liberty. Such concerns also permeated Victorian public debate. The remainder of the chapter interprets the political thought of the eminent Victorian historian and public moralist J. A. Froude (1818–94) in republican terms.

Political liberalism and French national identity in the wake of the face-veiling law

2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 366-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eoin Daly
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Liberalism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Community ◽  
Political Conception ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Dimensions ◽  
And Gender ◽  
French National Identity

AbstractPolitical liberalism suggests state power must be exercised and justified on terms all citizens can reasonably be expected to endorse, independently of their comprehensive identities or worldviews. For Rawls, a democratic community cannot be united by any shared ends or identities other than those connected with the political conception of justice itself. Republican political thought often seems to undermine this ‘liberal principle of legitimacy’ through its stronger demands of social cohesion and participative civic virtue. Conversely, however, it generally seeks to define citizenship independently of any non-political commonalities citizens might be assumed to share. This theoretical tension was reflected in recent French republican discourses on Islam, gender and national identity. France's recent prohibition on public face-veiling coincided with an officially orchestrated debate on national identity which seemed to challenge the traditional republican conception of national identity as a purely civic and political construct. While couched in republican terminologies, these recent discourses seemed to understand the principle oflaïcité, or constitutional secularism, as a bulwark for the pre-political dimensions of national identity. Accordingly, this article outlines how these discourses on religion and gender illuminated tensions and contradictions within the prevailing republican account of national identity.

Leone de' Sommi and Jewish Theatre in Renaissance Mantua

2009 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-19
Author(s):  
Donald Beecher
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Social Negotiations ◽  
Renaissance Artist ◽  
The Way

This is a study of a Renaissance artist and his patrons, but with an added complication, insofar as Leone de' Sommi, the gifted academician and playwright in the employ of the dukes of Mantua in the second half of the sixteenth century, was Jewish and a lifelong promoter and protector of his community. The article deals with the complex relationship between the court and the Jewish "università" concerning the drama and the way in which dramatic performances also became part of the political, judicial and social negotiations between the two parties, as well as a study of Leone's role as playwright and negotiator during a period that was arguably one of the best of times for the Jews of Mantua.

Simone Weil

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatrice Marovich
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
Bare Life ◽  
Intellectual Curiosity ◽  
Creation Theology ◽  
Simone Weil

Few of Giorgio Agamben’s works are as mysterious as his unpublished dissertation, reportedly on the political thought of the French philosopher Simone Weil. If Weil was an early subject of Agamben’s intellectual curiosity, it would appear – judging from his published works – that her influence upon him has been neither central nor lasting.1 Leland de la Durantaye argues that Weil’s work has left a mark on Agamben’s philosophy of potentiality, largely in his discussion of the concept of decreation; but de la Durantaye does not make much of Weil’s influence here, determining that her theory of decreation is ‘essentially dialectical’ and still too bound up with creation theology. 2 Alessia Ricciardi, however, argues that de la Durantaye’s dismissal of Weil’s influence is hasty.3 Ricciardi analyses deeper resonances between Weil’s and Agamben’s philosophies, ultimately claiming that Agamben ‘seems to extend many of the implications and claims of Weil’s idea of force’,4 arguably spreading Weil’s influence into Agamben’s reflections on sovereign power and bare life.

Political orientation and moral foundations

2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (11) ◽  
pp. 365-371
Author(s):  
J Dorasamy ◽  
Mr Jirushlan Dorasamy
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
North America ◽  
American Studies ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Foundations ◽  
Open Approach ◽  
Online Questionnaire ◽  
Moral Foundation ◽  
The North

Studies, especially in the North America, have shown a relationship between political orientation and moralfoundation. This study investigated whether moral judgements differ from the political orientation of participantsin South Africa moral judgment and the extent to which moral foundations are influenced by politicalorientation.Further, the study investigated the possibility of similar patterns with the North AmericanConservative-Liberal spectrum and the moral foundation. There were 300participants, 78 males and 222 females,who completed an online questionnaire relating to moral foundation and political orientation. The results partiallysupported the hypothesis relating to Liberal and Conservative orientation in South Africa. Further, this studypartially predicted the Liberal-Conservative orientation with patterns in the moral foundation, whilst showingsimilar findings to the North American studies. A growing rate of a neutral/moderate society is evidenced in SouthAfrica and abroad, thereby showing the emergence of a more open approach to both a political and generalstance.”””

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