scholarly journals SYURA DAN LEGITIMASI UMAT DALAM SUKSESI KEPEMIMPINAN KHULAFAUR RASYIDIN

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-113
Author(s):  
Randy Atma R. Massi

In tracing history, the first problem that was questioned after the death of Muhammad Rasulullah was the problem of political power or his successor who would lead the ummah, commonly known as the caliph. The Qur'an as the main source of reference and the Sunnah does not provide a clear and clear explanation of who has the right to continue the leadership of the ummah after Muhammad's death, and how the succession system or method of appointing leaders in selecting the successor of the Prophet's caliph. So it is not surprising that in the course of the succession system in the appointment of the successor of the Prophet, especially in the appointment of Khulafaur Rasyidin, there were always differences in the ways between one caliph and another. In the matter of leadership succession, the issue of deliberation or shura and the legitimacy of the people or the people does not really get more attention and a significant pressure point, if it is traced in more detail, the issue of shura and the legitimacy of the people or people are two things that always exist in every succession of Khulafaur Rasyidin's leadership. So it is very important in discussing the succession of Khulafaur Rasyidin's leadership in relation to issues of deliberation or shura and the legitimacy of the people. Abstrak Dalam penelusuran terhadap sejarah, permasalahan pertama yang dipersoalkan setelah wafatnya Muhammad Rasulullah adalah masalah kekuasaan politik atau pengganti beliau yang akan memimpin umat, yang lazim disebut dengan khalifah.  Al-Qur’an sebagai sumber acuan utama dan Sunnah tidak memberikan penjelasan secara terang dan jelas tentang siapa yang berhak untuk melanjutkan kepemimpinan umat pasca wafatnya Muhammad, dan bagaimana sistem suksesi atau metode pengangkatan pemimpin dalam melakukan pemilihan terhadap khalifah pengganti Rasul. Sehingga tidak mengherankan dalam perjalannya sistem suksesi dalam pengangkatan khalifah pengganti Rasul terutama dalam pengangkatan Khulafaur Rasyidin selalu terjadi perbedaan cara antara khalifah yang satu dengan yang lainnya. Dalam persoalan suksesi kepemimpinan persoalan musyawarah atau syura dan legitimasi umat atau rakyat tidak terlalu mendapat perhatian yang lebih dan titik tekan yang signifikan, jika ditelusuri lebih detail persoalan syura dan legitimasi rakyat atau umat merupakan dua hal yang selalu ada dalam setiap suksesi kepemimpinan Khulafaur Rasyidin. Sehingga sangat penting dalam membahas suksesi kepemimpinan Khulafaur Rasyidin dalam kaitannya dengan persoalan musyawarah atau syura dan legitimasi umat.

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Yavuz GÜLOGLU

The freedom of conscience and belief can be defined as the freedom of people in what they wish to believe without the compulsion of political power and other people by means of laws and other means. The belief of religion that can be accepted as the natural extension of the freedom of conscience and belief is to be free in doing the requirements of the religion that the people believe in with its rituals. While it is not possible and effective to make restrictions in freedom of belief, today, there are some restrictions in some judical systems in freedom of worship. With the principle of secularism which is settled among the principles that the alteration of which are not even be proposed, there have been some different decisions about the administrative acts that cause the violation of belief and worship freedom in the implementation of the right of education which is secured with Constitutional Law in Turkish Constitution. In this study, the effects of the incompatible decisions of administrative jurisdiction about the implementations of the administration related to the education right of students at universities, which is secured by the Fundemental Law, on the freedom of education, especially for the last ten years, will be examined.


Author(s):  
Ross Harrison

Democracy means rule by the people, as contrasted with rule by a special person or group. It is a system of decision making in which everyone who belongs to the political organism making the decision is actually or potentially involved. They all have equal power. There have been competing conceptions about what this involves. On one conception this means that everyone should participate in making the decision themselves, which should emerge from a full discussion. On another conception, it means that everyone should be able to vote between proposals or for representatives who will be entrusted with making the decision; the proposal or representative with most votes wins. Philosophical problems connected with democracy relate both to its nature and its value. It might seem obvious that democracy has value because it promotes liberty and equality. As compared with, for example, dictatorship, everyone has equal political power and is free from control by a special individual or group. However, at least on the voting conception of democracy, it is the majority who have the control. This means that the minority may not be thought to be treated equally; and they lack liberty in the sense that they are controlled by the majority. Another objection to democracy is that, by counting everyone’s opinions as of equal value, it considers the ignorant as being as important as the knowledgeable, and so does not result in properly informed decisions. However, voting may in certain circumstances be the right way of achieving knowledge. Pooling opinions may lead to better group judgement. These difficulties with democracy are alleviated by the model which concentrates on mutual discussion rather than people just feeding opinions into a voting mechanism. Opinions should in such circumstances be better formed; and individuals are more obviously equally respected. However, this depends upon them starting from positions of equal power and liberty; rather than being consequences of a democratic procedure, it would seem that equality and liberty are instead prerequisites which are needed in order for it to work properly.


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 29-30

Political power, for individual women, was like a reputation for philosophy or a gift for painting. You had to be the daughter or wife of the right person: it was not possible to make a career, as a man sometimes could, by sheer talent for fighting or arguing or making. You also had to work in the interests of the family and keep a low personal profile.Plutarch, who believed that women were endowed with courage and intelligence, collected instances of Great Deeds by Women (Moralia 242–63). These occur in crises: his heroines do not have, and he does not advocate, an acknowledged social or political role. He admires Aretaphila (257de), who withstood torture, conspired successfully to kill a tyrant, declined an invitation from the people to join the government, and retired gracefully to private life in the women’s quarters. When women are found, in Plutarch’s time, holding magistracies and priesthoods (as they did in Asia Minor in the first and second centuries A.D.), or are honoured by their cities as public benefactors, they too are praised for modesty, charm, and self-restraint, as though everyone needed reassuring that no departure from convention was intended. In fact, it cannot be shown that such women ever chaired a meeting or addressed an assembly, or did more than foot the bills and acknowledge the applause. Some actually have public spokesmen; some are obviously the Lady Mayoress, the wife of the man who had the job.


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Ludvig Beckman

It is widely believed that voting rights confer power to individual voters as well as to the collective body of the electorate. This paper evaluates this notion on the basis of two conceptions of political power: the causal view, according to which power equals the ability to exert causal effect, and the legal view, according to which power equals the legal ability to produce legal effect. The proposition defended is that causal conceptions of power are unable to account for the view that voting rights confer power to either individuals or collectives. In particular, the theory according to which the powers conferred by the vote equal the probability of being decisive or “pivotal” in elections does not justify the ascription of power to voters. It does not because the probability of being influential is not a valid interpretation of power as the capacity to mobilize sufficient causal effect to determine an outcome. In addition, causal conceptions of power are unable to recognize the people as the unique owner of political power. The powers exercised by the members of the electorate appear to be just one among several causes that contribute to determine electoral outcomes. In the end, the legal analysis of power proves superior. Power in a democracy is placed with the people as a legal category vested with the legal capacity to revise the legal relationship between individuals and the state.


Author(s):  
Ross Harrison

Democracy means rule by the people, as contrasted with rule by a special person or group. It is a system of decision making in which everyone who belongs to the political organism making the decision is actually or potentially involved. They all have equal power. There have been competing conceptions about what this involves. On one conception this means that everyone should participate in making the decision themselves, which should emerge from a full discussion. On another conception, it means that everyone should be able to vote between proposals or for representatives who will be entrusted with making the decision; the proposal or representative with most votes wins. Philosophical problems connected with democracy relate both to its nature and its value. It might seem obvious that democracy has value because it promotes liberty and equality. As compared with, for example, dictatorship, everyone has equal political power and is free from control by a special individual or group. However, at least on the voting conception of democracy, it is the majority who have the control. This means that the minority may not be thought to be treated equally; and they lack liberty in the sense that they are controlled by the majority. Another objection to democracy is that, by counting everyone’s opinions as of equal value, it considers the ignorant as being as important as the knowledgeable, and so does not result in properly informed decisions. However, voting may in certain circumstances be the right way of achieving knowledge. Pooling opinions may lead to better group judgement. These difficulties with democracy are alleviated by the model which concentrates on mutual discussion rather than people just feeding opinions into a voting mechanism. Opinions should in such circumstances be better formed; and individuals are more obviously equally respected. However, this depends upon them starting from positions of equal power and liberty; rather than being consequences of a democratic procedure, it would seem that equality and liberty are instead prerequisites which are needed in order for it to work properly.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Wolff

This text explores the main questions of political philosophy and looks at some of the most influential answers, from the ancient Greeks to the present day. Each chapter takes on a particular question or controversy. The natural starting-point is political power, the right to command. The first chapter considers the question of what would happen in a ‘state of nature’ without government, while the second tackles the problem of political obligation. The third chapter is concerned with democracy, asking whether a state should be democratic, for example, or whether there is any rationale for preferring rule by the people to rule by an expert. The next two chapters deal with liberty and property. The text concludes by focusing on questions that have drawn greater attention in more recent decades, such as issues of gender, race, disability, sexual orientation, immigration, global justice, and justice to future generations.


1986 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 309-321
Author(s):  
David Beriss

When the Socialists arrived in power in 1981, the word of the day was changement, and the people dancing in the streets of Paris seemed to indicate an exuberant optimism for the political and economic future. Now, with the 1986 legislative elections approaching, the Right seems almost certain to win; public opinion appears to have swung against the Left in power. If people take to the streets today, whether they be angry parents d’élèves or workers, they are more than likely to be protesting against the Socialists. Has the Left in power proved to be incompetent? Have they mismanaged political power, or have they misunderstood their constituency? That a changement has occurred there is little doubt, but the changes do not seem to be those expected. In last spring’s colloquia at New York University’s Institute of French Studies various aspects of the practice of the Left in power and the changing context in which that power is exercised were examined.


Author(s):  
Stephen E. Hanson

The Putin-Medvedev transition reveals the continuing inability of post-Soviet Russian leaders to arrive at any consensual notion of Russia’s national identity around which ordinary forms of legitimate domination might be constructed. In searching for an answer to the problem of leadership succession during his second term as president, Vladimir Putin tried out all three of the classical types of legitimate domination that Max Weber defined—the traditional, the rational-legal, and the charismatic—without success. In the end, the 2008 elections represented a novel combination of strategies for building state legitimacy that we might term “plebiscitarian patrimonialism”: the Russian leadership claims the right to rule as if the state were its personal property, as long as the results of this arbitrary rule are electorally ratified by “the people” as a true reflection of the national will.


This research article focuses on the theme of violence and its representation by the characters of the novel “This Savage Song” by Victoria Schwab. How violence is transmitted through genes to next generations and to what extent socio- psycho factors are involved in it, has also been discussed. Similarly, in what manner violent events and deeds by the parents affect the psychology of children and how it inculcates aggressive behaviour in their minds has been studied. What role is played by the parents in grooming the personality of children and ultimately their decisions to choose the right or wrong way has been argued. In the light of the theory of Judith Harris, this research paper highlights all the phenomena involved: How the social hierarchy controls the behaviour. In addition, the aggressive approach of the people in their lives has been analyzed in the light of the study of second theorist Thomas W Blume. As the novel is a unique representation of supernatural characters, the monsters, which are the products of some cruel deeds, this research paper brings out different dimensions of human sufferings with respect to these supernatural beings. Moreover, the researcher also discusses that, in what manner the curse of violence creates an inevitable vicious cycle of cruel monsters that makes the life of the characters turbulent and miserable.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.


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