The Ottoman “other”: (Re)Framing the Past of the Modern Turkish Nation

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-97
Author(s):  
Iulia Oprea

Abstract The paper examines the process of the Turkish nation building process starting from the premises that whether we talk about culture, religion, ethnicity, language, traditions or other elements nations identify with and take pride in, continuity in time is an essential requirement to legitimize the bases of national identity in the nationalist discourse.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Ayça Ergun

Abstract The aim of this article is to shed light on the process of nation-building and the formation of national identity in post-Soviet Azerbaijan. The peculiarity of Azerbaijani nation-building is that the debates on how to build a nation and define national identity were nourished by two discourses: Azerbaijanism (Azerbaycançılıq) and Turkism (Tűrkçűlűk). The article focuses firstly on the discourses on national identity and nation-building in the pre-independence period while elaborating on the roots and premises of the nationalist independence movement. Secondly, it highlights the discourses of nation-building in the post-independence period while discussing the meanings attributed to national identity and nationhood. It shows how these two discourses shaped the existing identity formation in Azerbaijan with a particular emphasis on citizenship identity, marked by multiculturalism, hospitality, tolerance, and patriotism. Yet one can still categorize the country as having an incomplete nation-building process, due the violation of territorial integrity as a result of the Karabakh conflict.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-194
Author(s):  
Marc van Zoggel

Abstract Historically, the glorification of the past and the eulogizing of national heroes in art and literature have been constructive elements in the process of nation building. In the postmodern era, however, a cultivation of national history and its great men and women is often regarded outdated or even suspect and regressive. The ‘nine eleven’ terrorist attacks in the United States and the rise and assassination of Dutch politician Pim Fortuyn intensified an ongoing debate in the Netherlands about the meaning and value of a shared ‘Dutch national identity’ in a multicultural, diversified society. In this article, I argue that several novels and poems about Dutch naval hero Michiel de Ruyter (1607-1676), published in or in the wake of the ‘De Ruyter year 2007’, both reproduce and challenge a wide range of voices, viewpoints and sentiments within the hot topic of national identity in the twenty-first century.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 1083-1099
Author(s):  
Nutsa Batiashvili

AbstractThis article examines an ideological and a narrative rift between two elitist formations and two forms of nationalism that a practice of memory-making embodies. In the subterranean polemic where Soviet generation intelligentsia and liberal intellectuals animate the past on Russian–Georgian relations in two distinct ways, past becomes a critical terrain where the struggle over Georgia’s geopolitical belonging and the resulting disputes on national identity take place. This analysis not only flashes out recent discursive rifts, linking them to the broader political processes, but traces the genealogies of the narrative practices that enable two idioms of nationalist discourse. It is both an analysis of post-socialist class formations and of the semantic fields within which their idioms are embedded.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 772-788 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stevo Đurašković

Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tuđman, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Ustaša and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Ustaša has been linked to Tuđman's national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular “forgetting of the past.” The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Ustaša successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Ustaša. Hence, this article will present how “Ustaša-nostalgia” does not stem from Tuđman's intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tuđman's nation-building idea. Namely, Tuđman's condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in “Ustaša-nostalgia” due to the hesitation of the post-Tuđman Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 2455328X2110084
Author(s):  
Shivam Agrawal

The perspective of looking at certain stalwarts of the Indian Freedom Struggle revolves around their acts which shaped times they lived in. These acts were widely considered as reactions to the prevailing discrepancies in the country’s social, political, economic and religious life. Consequently, the philosophical basis behind such action could not be elaborately and extensively articulated or analysed and thus, what ensued was a crude description of personalities. So seemed to be the case of Babasaheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar (1891–1956) who was recognized as a social reformer and political leader with a vision of social, political and economic inclusion of the Depressed Classes (Dalits) in mainstream society. But his ability to question the structures of society and religion which had come from consciousness developed out of education, remained neglected in academia for a long time. After significant recent work became available regarding views on education, he was accepted as an ‘educator’. However, the influence of his educational philosophy in the nation-building process needs to be further explored since he opposed the dominant nationalist discourse.


Author(s):  
Yingjie Guo

The preservation and expansion of the ‘Three Confucian Sites’ at Qufu are no doubt driven by tourism, but a more important reason is the Chinese Communist Party’s change of heart about China’s cultural heritage and national identity since 1989. In 2013, President Xi Jinping unequivocally abandoned the Party’s decades-long tradition of iconoclasm and confirmed its return to Chinese cultural roots. Governments at various levels have now set about promoting Confucian values and fostering a Confucian identity. While the effects of the state’s nation-building remain to be seen, there is no denying that China’s disremembered Confucian heritage is being re-materialised, re-interpreted and re-invented as never before in the People’s Republic of China or during the past century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
Anaïs Marin

Abstract The past decade has seen the emergence of a new type of nationalism in Belarus, a process labelled as ‘soft Belarusianisation’. This trend differs from earlier, mostly top-down (elite-led) episodes of nation-building – the Belarusisation of the 1920s, the nationalists’ movement that followed perestroika, and the ‘Creole nationalism’ incarnated by A. Lukashenko since the mid-1990s. Instead, soft Belarusianisation seems to be a bottom-up process stemming mostly from civil society. It would be wrong to consider it as a traditional revivalist or genuinely grassroots phenomenon however. Yet it appears as an anti-colonialist process, one meant to avoid further assimilation of Belarusians within the Russian whole. Whereas signs of a timid national awakening appeared back in the early 2010s, two sets of factors contributed to shaping and accelerating soft Belarusianisation in recent years. First were exogenous drivers, notably Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. Among the endogenous drivers is the Belarusian authorities’ benevolence towards soft Belarusianisation. Although they can exploit the rally-around-the-flag potential that the process entails for mobilising society in support of independence, the fact that soft Belarusianisation is perceived as anti-Russian in Russia proper creates a challenging situation for them. Should Belarusian nationalism overstep a red line, the likely consequences would be to put Belarusian sovereignty and national identity under a greater threat than it already is now.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rico Isaacs

Nation-building is a process which is often contested, not just among different ethnicities within a nation-state, but also among the titular ethnic majority. This article explores the contested nature of the nation-building process in post-Soviet Kazakhstan through examining cinematic works. Utilizing a post-modern perspective which views nations and national identity as invented, imagined and ambivalent it identifies four discursive strands within recent post-Soviet Kazakh cinema pertaining to nationhood and national identity (ethno-centric, civic, religious and socioeconomic). Rather than viewing government-sponsored efforts of identity formation in cinema as a top-down process in which the regime transmits its version of nationhood and identity, the discursive strands revealed in this article illustrate there are varying understandings of what constitutes the nation and national identity in Kazakh cinematic works. Furthermore, the strand which focuses on the socioeconomic tensions of modern nation-building in Kazakhstan uncovers how film is used as a site for dissent and social critique of Kazakhstan's modern political condition. What the article illuminates is how discourses related to nation-building can be both competing and complementary and that nation-building is a fluid and transgressive process in which among the titular majority there is no fixed unambiguous understanding of nationhood and national identity.


2001 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 239-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Reid

In the 1960s a host of African nations discovered their independence and, with it, rediscovered the pleasure and the pain of the past. States such as Nigeria and Ghana, Tanzania and Uganda, using both local and expatriate scholars, embarked on the reconstruction of “national histories,” with an enthusiasm which, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, seems enviable. From an academic point of view, this period witnessed the rejection of the colonial distortion of Africa's past—i.e., the idea that basically the continent had none worth talking about—and the historiographical offensive which was thus launched may be seen to have been ultimately successful.In terms of African politics, history was seen in many new states as a means of nation-building and the fostering of national identity. In Tanzania, for example, precolonial leaders such as Mirambo and Nyungu-ya-Mawe, the relative linguistic unity provided by Swahili, and the anticolonial Maji Maji uprising were used, both consciously and subliminally, to encourage the idea that Tanzanians had shared historical experiences which straddled both the precolonial and the colonial eras.It must be conceded that history did not always prove as reliable an ally to African politicians as to scholars of Africa. Penetration into the Nigerian past served, indirectly at least, to magnify the regionalism which had already troubled the decolonization process in that territory, and underlined the distinct historical experiences of, for example, the Yoruba in the south and the Hausa-Fulani in the north.


Author(s):  
Hieronymus Purwanta

This study explores the relationship between national identity and history lessons in Israel as a means of nation-building. The problems raised are: (1) What is the construction of Israel's national identity? (2) How has national identity discoursed on nation-building projects? The historical method with a nationalistic approach developed by Ernest Renan and Anthony D. Smith is used as a research and analysis framework. Renan explained that nationalism is a combination of the struggles of the ancestors in the past and the desire to unite in the present. On the other hand, Smith formulated nationalism in three main elements: national integration, national autonomy, and national identity. The results of the study show that Israel's national identity rests primarily on Zionism and the Holocaust. Therefore, the subject matter of history primarily discusses the efforts of the Israeli people to return to Palestine as an ideal place to build the nation. On the other hand, the Nazi/Hitler massacre in Germany, known as the Holocaust, was seen as the pinnacle of suffering for the Jewish community in exile.


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