scholarly journals Declining sikh space on the religious and political landscape of India

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Harwant Singh Mangat ◽  
Shaik Iftikhar Ahmed ◽  
Lakhvir Singh Gill

Abstract This study is devoted to highlighting the temporal trends and spatial variations in the concentration and growth of the major religious groups in India with special reference to the Sikh population. Such studies are gaining importance with the increasing penetration of both the religion and caste-composition in the political environment of the country. Although religious and caste interventions in politics are prevalent in all the elections, these become stronger as we move down from Parliamentary to Panchayat elections in which the voting pattern changes in favour of religion and caste groups. It has been observed that the share of Muslim population increased by 5.96% between 2001 and 2011, while it declined in the case of all other communities and the maximum decline (−8.02%) was noticed in the case of the Sikh population with the lowest share among all the major religious communities in India. The Sikh population also recorded the lowest growth rate of 8.42% against 24.65% and 16.76% witnessed by Muslims and Hindus respectively between2001 and 2011. The study is based on the religious data released by the Census of India.

2020 ◽  
pp. 73-91
Author(s):  
Carolyn James

The early decades of the Italian Wars (1494–1559) had a dramatic impact on the political landscape of Italy and radically changed the nature of military conflict. This chapter explores the efforts of Francesco Gonzaga and Isabella d’Este to realize their youthful ambitions in a rapidly changing political environment. The marquis wished to make his name as a military strategist and warrior, while his wife aspired to try out her diplomatic talents. Both individuals enjoyed initial success in their respective endeavours, as they worked together effectively, if not entirely harmoniously, to maintain the Gonzaga regime on an even keel during the first French invasion of the Italian peninsula.


2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 121-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sue Nott

There has been a dramatic reshaping of the political landscape in the United Kingdom since 1997. This has brought about substantial changes in equality law and practice, both nationally and regionally. One of the most talked about innovations has been the adoption of mainstreaming as a strategy for the promotion of equality. In the United Kingdom, this has produced a complex, varied and, on occasion, obscure pattern of duties in respect of mainstreaming. Yet despite this, mainstreaming is delivering gains to previously marginalized groups within society, though the extent of those gains varies according to the context and the type of mainstreaming involved. What has to be avoided at all costs, however, is a situation where equality is neglected and disregarded. This article, therefore, explores the case for securing mainstreaming and investigates how effectively mainstreaming in the United Kingdom has been safeguarded against a hostile political environment.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Masthuriyah Sa’dan

This study explores harmonious lives among religious groups in the Winong village, Banjarnegara. It describes both religious and social lives including factors that reinforcing the creation of harmony among religious groups in the village. Based on Inter-religious harmony theories, the study shows that Winong is a village with differs cultures and religious communities but it is able to maintain harmony. The harmony among religious beliefs in Winong , as shown between the Ahmadis and NU community, is manifested not only in terms of toleration and passive co-existence, but also in the equality of all elements in the society which is embodied in the social, culture and the political lives.


2020 ◽  
pp. 347-369
Author(s):  
Vladimir N. Kolotov ◽  

This article is devoted to the technologies for creating religious communities, provoking conflicts between different religious groups and using local controlled conflicts for geopolitical purposes. Immersion of political contradictions in the cultural and religious environment allows skillfully concealing the interests of the forces that stand behind the conflicts they provoked.


Author(s):  
Guy Ben-Porat

Religion has played an important part in Israeli politics, and religious-secular contentions are likely to remain part of the political landscape. In the early years of Israel’s statehood religious politics was contained by common goals; secular ambivalence toward religion; and a political leadership able to create agreements, both formal and informal, known as the status quo. Beginning in the 1990s, however, economic, demographic, and sociocultural changes undermined the agreements, and religious questions became politicized. Israeli governments were unable to mediate between new demands of secular and religious groups, so subpolitics—political actions outside the formal political sphere—combined with traditional politics to become a way for Israelis to struggle for and against religious authority.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-49
Author(s):  
Elisheva Yun

Over a decade after the close of the fifteen-year Lebanese Civil War, the cultural and political landscape of sectarianism has shifted significantly in Lebanon. Circumstances of uncertainty and upheaval in the past couple of years—Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri’s assassination in 2005, the subsequent Cedar Revolution that spurred Syria’s withdrawal from Lebanese territory, a string of assassinations of anti-Syrian politicians, the Israel-Hizbullah War of 2006, anti-government protests and Hizbullah’s seizure of sections of Beirut in May 2008—have both fed into and arose from tensions between religious groups. Recent events suggest the centrality of sectarianism to questions about Lebanon’s stability. The momentous political changes that Lebanon has witnessed have raised questions as to the changing nature of sectarianism as well. In particular, given that sectarianism has fed into significant conflict, is it appropriate or productive to maintain sectarianism as the guiding principle for the political system? How have new avenues of discussion influenced Lebanon’s experience of sectarianism? Blogs, collectively referred to as the blogosphere, have provided an increasingly popular means of expression in Lebanon. Blogging has become more prominent through moments of conflict, namely the Cedar Revolution in 2005 and the Israel-Hizbullah conflict in the summer of 2006. As the Lebanese blogosphere virulently debates the unfolding events and the role of sectarianism in Lebanon, blogs offer an illuminating lens as to whether the Lebanese population deems sectarianism to be an appropriate organizing principle for its government.


Author(s):  
Saptarshi Chakraborty

Microfinance is an integrating factor of the potentiality of the local poor masses to the formation of GDP. It is the deciding factor whether economic growth is supply leading or demand following. Confronting with adverse selection, moral hazard, and collateral issues, it is to be studied whether microfinance thrives when it is administered well. This chapter intends to examine a case study of success and viability of microfinance in some places of the state of West Bengal, India with special reference to change in the political regime. In this light, assets, deposit liabilities, loans, and advances of microfinance banks are used as proxy for the activities of microfinance institutions while repayment of priority sector loans is used as a proxy for viability of microfinance activities. Results show that microfinance is successful not when large amount of loans are given out but when loans are actually repaid successfully, which is ensured by good political environment in the remote area.


Author(s):  
Guy Ben-Porat

Religion has played an important part in Israeli politics, and religious–secular contentions are likely to remain part of the political landscape. In the early years of Israel’s statehood religious politics was contained by common goals; secular ambivalence toward religion; and a political leadership able to create agreements, both formal and informal, known as the status quo. Beginning in the 1990s, however, economic, demographic, and sociocultural changes undermined the agreements, and religious questions became politicized. Israeli governments were unable to mediate between new demands of secular and religious groups, so subpolitics—political actions outside the formal political sphere—combined with traditional politics to become a way for Israelis to struggle for and against religious authority.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 312-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine E. Knutson

AbstractSome scholars of religious interest groups argue that one challenge facing religious groups in their pursuit of political goals is that they are unwilling or unable to compromise, which makes it difficult for them to operate strategically within the secular political environment. An alternate explanation is that the types of arguments religious groups use are multifaceted but do not filter into the public discourse. In this article, I examine the concept of constraint in the context of mediated debates of contentious political issues by looking at the extent to which religious and nonreligious groups differ in their development of argument frames. Compared with nonreligious groups, religious groups do display more evidence of constraint in mediated debates over public policies. Patterns of constraint relate to visibility, framing, group resources, and group purpose. More importantly, however, I find that the patterns of constraint have more to do with journalistic decisions to filter arguments made by religious groups than with the actual rhetorical strategies of religious groups.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Matt Sheedy

The Occupy movement was an unprecedented social formation that spread to approximate 82 countries around the globe in the fall of 2011 via social media through the use of myths, symbols and rituals that were performed in public space and quickly drew widespread mainstream attention. In this paper I argue that the movement offers a unique instance of how discourse functions in the construction of society and I show how the shared discourses of Occupy were taken-up and shaped in relation to the political opportunity structures and interests of those involved based on my own fieldwork at Occupy Winnipeg. I also argue that the Occupy movement provides an example of how we might substantively attempt to classify “religion” by looking at how it embodied certain metaphysical claims while contrasting it with the beliefs and practices of more conventionally defined “religious” communities.


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