scholarly journals Social and Economic Conditions of Peru and Countries of the Pacific Alliance

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-92
Author(s):  
Giovanni E. Reyes ◽  
Alejandro Cheyne ◽  
Alejandro Useche

AbstractThe main aim of this research is to present a study regarding the economic and social performance of Peru in recent years, compared to the countries that constitute the Pacific Alliance, namely: Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. This research links Peruvian economic performance in the context of this country’s political dynamics and social implications. It is important to emphasize that Peru is one of the Latin American countries less impacted by the financial crisis of 2008. One of the conclusions of the study points out that there has been a significant degree of economic growth, but the external debt levels are also rising, and this group of countries, with the exception of Mexico, to some extent, continues to be heavily dependent on exports based on raw materials, natural resources and commodities.

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402198975
Author(s):  
Ryan E. Carlin ◽  
Timothy Hellwig ◽  
Gregory J. Love ◽  
Cecilia Martínez-Gallardo ◽  
Matthew M. Singer

Public evaluations of the economy are key for understanding how citizens develop policy opinions and monitor government performance. But what drives economic evaluations? In this article, we argue the context in which information about the economy is distributed shapes economic perceptions. In high-quality information environments—where policies are transparent, the media is free, and political opposition is robust—mass perceptions closely track economic conditions. In contrast, compromised information environments provide openings for political manipulation, leading perceptions to deviate from business cycle fluctuations. We test our argument with unique data from eight Latin American countries. Results show restrictions on access to information distort the public’s view of economic performance. The ability of voters to sanction governments is stronger when democratic institutions and the media protect citizens’ access to independent, unbiased information. Our findings highlight the importance of accurate evaluations of the economy for government accountability and democratic responsiveness.


2021 ◽  
pp. 235-246
Author(s):  
James F. Hancock

Abstract The chapter summarizes the Spanish conquests and navigation. It also provides a brief summary of how Ferdinand Magellan found another route to the Pacific and the Moluccas, which led to the signing of Treaty of Tordesillas. This divided any newly discovered lands between Spain and Portugal along a Meridian west of the Cape Verde Islands, but no line of demarcation had been set on the other side of the world. This meant that both countries could lay claim to the Spice Islands, as long as Portugal travelled there from the east and Spain from the west. After Magellan's conquest, the Spanish explore the Pacific, which gave them control over the Pacific countries including the Philippines. The chapter also discusses how the charting of 'Urdaneta's Route' made possible a trans-Pacific galleon trade and the profitable colonization of the Philippines and other Latin American countries. Soon ships were travelling regularly from Manila to New Spain. A complex trade network evolved that was truly global in nature. Into Manila would flow spices from the Moluccas and silk and porcelain from China. These would be shipped across the Pacific by the Spanish to Acapulco, a journey of four to six months. The silver came from Potosí, Bolivia where hundreds of thousands of enslaved Incan lives were sacrificed by the Spanish to extract that silver from the bowels of the earth. The mines became the centre of Spanish wealth and were the reason Spain remained powerful during the colonial period. From 1556 to 1783, they extracted some 45,000 tons of silver from these mines. Aside from these, is the silk production as New Spain had a native mulberry tree called the Morera criolla. The Spanish finished their conquest by 1521 and by 1523, the first silkworm eggs had been exported to Mexico. Finally, the chapter closes how England, by means of American privateers, fought off Portugal and Spain.


2019 ◽  
pp. 623-649
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Polanco Lazo

Nowadays, two fundamentally different institutional responses to global economic liberalization coexist in Latin America: the ‘Atlantic style’ (closer to closed regionalism) and the ‘Pacific style’ (closer to open regionalism). In the context of never-ending efforts of an elusive Latin-American integration, this chapter advances the idea that the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is at least successful in consolidating a model of economic integration based on preferential trade and investment agreements for an important group of Latin American countries that follow the ‘Pacific’ style. Whereas the Pacific Alliance countries have embraced neoliberal trade and investment agreements actively and expanded their scope of influence, other countries, such as the Bolivarian Alliance, have responded with active counter-organizing but with fading influence in the region. But as often happens in Latin America, these styles are not absolute and being tempered by countries like Argentina that have blends or pragmatist (pick-and-choose) strategies, taking elements from both styles.


2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 126-152
Author(s):  
Matthew M. Singer

ABSTRACTThe association between how citizens perceive economic performance, insecurity, or corruption and how they evaluate the president varies systematically across Latin American countries and within them over time. In particular, while presidential popularity reflects these outcomes in the average Latin American country, survey data from 2006–17 confirm that the connection between government performance and presidential approval is generally stronger when unfragmented party systems or single-party majority governments make assessments of political responsibility easier. While these results suggest that the region’s citizens do not blindly blame the president for outcomes where political responsibility should be shared, they also remind us that there are many countries in the region where fragmented party systems weaken the conditions for effective political accountability.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089692052110322
Author(s):  
Jorge Daniel Vásquez

This paper calls into question the universal application of the concept of populism. It points to how particular historical processes need to be taken into account when addressing the formation of populism in Latin American countries. Unlike more theorized cases as Argentinian or Mexican populism, I use the Ecuadorian case to show how critical historical contextualization of 21st-century populism requires analyzing the continuities and ruptures with sociological knowledge about a particular populism. Such an analysis of continuities and ruptures shows the theoretical convergences among Latin America as a region and the political dynamics of specific historical processes. I highlight how the conceptions of 21st-century Ecuadorian populism as a “passive revolution” or “authoritarian disfigurement of democracy” provide some theoretical tools for examining the historical process of Ecuadorian populism but ultimately fall short of critical analysis. In conclusion, I derived from the Ecuadorian case some elements for the analysis of Latin American populist projects.


1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-29
Author(s):  
Irfan ul Haque

The diverse growth experience of economies across the globe is perhaps the most intriguing question that the economics profession faces. The economies of East Asia have grown rapidly over the past three decades, while the economic performance of the South Asian and Latin American countries has been relatively mediocre, although better than that of the African countries, where the per capita incomes have been generally declining. Among the developed countries also, there has been considerable diversity of economic performance.


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 289-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hillman

During the Second World War, Bolivia became the single most important source of tin for the Allies. As with other Latin American countries who were placed in the position of supplying essential raw materials,1 Bolivia confronted a situation where the operation of normal market forces was suspended. Access to Axis markets was denied, and prices were set through government intervention, often at widely divergent levels in different markets. As a result, the impression was created that the poor producers were prevented from enjoying a wartime bonanza by exploitative collusion on the part of the rich consumers.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document