scholarly journals THE RHETORIC OF CRISIS: POLITICAL COMMUNICATION ON SOCIAL NETWORKS DURING THE 2020 CORONAVIRUS OUTBREAK

SYNERGY ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Enache Antonia ◽  
◽  
Militaru Marina ◽  

The present paper analyses political communication on social platforms like Facebook, Twitter and Instagram during the 2020 coronavirus crisis. We are looking into the discourse of important political actors in the USA, Canada, France, the UK, the EU and Romania, attempting to highlight the rhetorical strategies they use to communicate with their audiences, to reassure them, to convince them that the crisis will be eventually overcome, to motivate and persuade them to comply with official regulations and to gain credibility and legitimacy for the policies enforced. The paper also provides an outline of the main advantages of using social platforms to reach the public, as well as of the most commonly used concepts and buzz-words that rhetors resort to in order to achieve their goals.

2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angeliki Koukoutsaki-Monnier

This paper focuses on the argumentative approaches and the rhetorical strategies employed by political actors in France in favour of or against the EU Constitutional Treaty (TCE), as they appeared in four French daily newspapers, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération and Aujourd’hui en France (national edition of Le Parisien), before the 29th of May 2005 referendum. In a qualitative discourse analysis and with the aid of argumentation theories and political communication approaches, the study investigates how the European Union’s Constitution, identity and future were represented and discussed by French political actors through the media in their effort to obtain public adherence before the referendum. Inevitably, the role of the media and the mediation process in the construction and transcription of the political discourse is also discussed.


Author(s):  
Aeron Davis

This article begins with a re-evaluation of political communication research based on Habermas' original theory of the public sphere. It presents Habermas' alternative framework for assessing communication in contemporary ‘actually existing democracies’. The model is then tested with a case study of the UK parliamentary public sphere based on 95 semi-structured interviews with political actors (politicians, journalists and officials). It concludes that parliament today operates rather better, according to public sphere norms, than the public sphere described in Habermas' accounts of 18th and 19th-century England. Such a finding, on its own, is clearly at odds with public perception. The research accordingly offers two explanations for this disparity and the (perceived) crisis of political legitimacy in UK politics.


2009 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nugus

Research on the Australian monarchy—republican debate has considered arguments for and against the republic, the 1999 referendum and interpretations of the republic. Little attention has been paid to the debate’s discursive construction. Therefore, this article analyzes the rhetorical strategies with which political parties and organized movements sought to persuade the public to adopt their position in the debate in the 1990s. The article discerns and analyzes various rhetorical strategies in terms of the patterns in their use among these elites. In contrast to the cognitive bias of much research in political communication, the article accounts for the embeddedness of these strategies in their public political, national-cultural and popular democratic contexts. It shows that the use of such strategies is a function of the socio-political context of actors’ statuses as parties or movements. The article recommends combining deliberative democracy with discourse analysis to comprehend the dynamics of public political language.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 645-662
Author(s):  
Franco Zappettini

This paper discusses how emotions were mobilised by the British tabloid press as discursive strategies of persuasion during the public debate on the implementation of Brexit. Using the case study of the Suns coverage of the alleged UKs humiliation at the Salzburg meeting (2018) during the Brexit negotiations, the analysis addresses the questions of how and through which linguistic means actors and events were framed discursively in such an article. The findings suggest that The Sun elicited emotions of fear, frustration, pride, and freedom to frame Brexit along a long-established narrative of domination and national heroism. The discourse was also sustained by a discursive prosody in keeping with a satirical genre and a populist register that have often characterised the British tabloid press. In particular the linguistic analysis has shown how antagonistic representations of the UK and the EU were driven by an allegory of incompetent gangsterism and morally justified resistance. Emotionalisation in the article was thus aimed both at ridiculing the EU and at representing it as a criminal organisation. Such framing was instrumental in pushing the newspaper agenda as much as in legitimising and institutionalising harder forms of Brexit with the tabloids readership. Approaching journalist discourse at the intersection of affective, stylistic, and political dimensions of communication, this paper extends the body of literature on the instrumental use of emotive arguments and populist narratives and on the wider historical role of tabloid journalism in representing political relations. between the UK and the EU.


2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-158
Author(s):  
Ognjen Pribicevic

Leaving the EU is one of the major political decisions made in the UK over the past half-century. Brexit brought about a virtual political earthquake not only in EU-UK relations but also in terms of UK future place and role on the international scene. Immediately after the decision of UK citizens to leave the EU at a referendum held on 23 June 2016, the question arose as to whether the UK will lose some of its international influence, whether Scotland will remain part of the Union, whether the UK will retain its privileged relations and special status with the USA, and what its future relations with the EU will be. The purpose of this article is to point to the basic priorities of the contemporary British foreign policy as well as to place and role of the UK on the contemporary international scene particularly in view of its decision to leave the EU. We shall first try to define the status of present-day Britain in international relations. Second, we shall address the traditional dilemma of the UK foreign policy - what should be given priority - relations with the USA, Europe or the Commonwealth? After that, we shall discuss in more detail the phases the UK foreign policy went through following the end of the cold war. In the third phase, we shall analyze the British contemporary foreign and economic policy towards Gulf countries and China. In the fourth part of the article, we shall discuss relations with the USA. It should be pointed out that the article does not seek to analyze all aspects of British foreign policy, even if we wanted to, due to a shortage of time. Of course, the topic of Brexit will be present in all chapters and especially in the last one and conclusion remarks. By its decision to leave the EU, the UK appears to have given priority to its relations with the USA, China, Gulf countries as well as Commonwealth countries instead of the EU which has been economically and politically dominant over the past few decades. This decision taken by UK citizens will no doubt have a great impact not only on their personal lives and standard of living but on the UK role in international relations. Despite its military, political, economic and cultural capacities, it is highly unlikely that the UK will manage to overcome the consequences of an exit from the single market, currently generating 18 trillion dollars on an annual basis as well as the loss of a privileged partner role with the USA within the Union. We are, therefore, more likely to believe that in the foreseeable future, the role of the UK on the international scene will continue to decline and be increasingly focused on its economic and financial interests. Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. III 47010: Drustvene transformacije u procesu evropskih integracija - multidisciplinarni pristup]


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Campbell

In the early days of the Internet, many political communication theorists held the utopian belief that political actors would use online tools to communicate directly with members of the public, and thereby bolster political engagement and enrich democracy. Unfortunately, studies over the past two decades found that political websites were not usually used to interact directly with the public, but instead were used to simply disseminate information in a one-way information-sharing model. However, the emergence of social media sites presents political actors with the opportunity to interact with the public far more easily than websites had previously allowed. Given the widespread adoption and high usage rates of social media sites, these online resources could potentially open up a space for public discussion about politics and allow political actors to interact directly with members of the public. Literature indicates that this type of shared space is conducive to the kind of civic mindset that leads to higher rates of political engagement. Research on political uses of social media tends to focus on the use of social media engagement. Research on political uses of social media tends to focus on the use of social media within elections, such as the 2008 U.S presidential election, and on the use of social media by national governments. I have chosen instead to examine how a group of municipal councilors in Toronto, Ontario uses social media. These politicians have the greatest need to interact directly with individuals throughout their term of service because municipal councilors are expected to know the members of their ward far more intimately than federal, or even provincial, politicians. My study focuses on the use of Facebook because literature indicates that it is the most political social media platform and that it presents politicians with the greatest opportunity to foster political engagement online. Through analysis of the Facebook pages of Toronto city councilors this study examines the degree to which councilors use Facebook to engage their followers, whether certain citizens are consistently engaged in ongoing political discussions, and whether small communities of politically engaged citizens develop around the Facebook profiles of councilors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 424-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Middleton ◽  
◽  
Richard Milne ◽  
Heidi Howard ◽  
Emilia Niemiec ◽  
...  

AbstractPublic acceptance is critical for sharing of genomic data at scale. This paper examines how acceptance of data sharing pertains to the perceived similarities and differences between DNA and other forms of personal data. It explores the perceptions of representative publics from the USA, Canada, the UK and Australia (n = 8967) towards the donation of DNA and health data. Fifty-two percent of this public held ‘exceptionalist’ views about genetics (i.e., believed DNA is different or ‘special’ compared to other types of medical information). This group was more likely to be familiar with or have had personal experience with genomics and to perceive DNA information as having personal as well as clinical and scientific value. Those with personal experience with genetics and genetic exceptionalist views were nearly six times more likely to be willing to donate their anonymous DNA and medical information for research than other respondents. Perceived harms from re-identification did not appear to dissuade publics from being willing to participate in research. The interplay between exceptionalist views about genetics and the personal, scientific and clinical value attributed to data would be a valuable focus for future research.


2003 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P. Richardson

Wholegrain foods are important sources of nutrients and phyto-protective components, which are in short supply in many member states of the EU, including the UK. Encouraging the public to increase consumption of whole-grain foods is a positive health message that has critical public health implications. In February 2002 the UK Joint Health Claims Initiative (JHCI) published its authoritative endorsement that whole-grain foods are associated with a healthy heart (Joint Health Claims Initiative, 2002). This new health claim reflects a similar one in the USA based on the accumulation of epidemiological evidence between 1996 and 2001 from several very large cohort studies in the USA, Finland and Norway, which show a consistent protective effect of whole grain and reduced risk of CHD. The JHCI code of practice on health claims requires that the claimed benefit must be scientifically valid, with evidence supporting efficacy of the food in human consumers, under typical conditions of use. The evidence-based approach consists of the identification of studies, an evaluation of individual references, a critical evaluation of the totality of the evidence and a statement that there is significant scientific agreement to establish the validity of the claim. The studies suggest that an intake of three servings per d may have an important cardio-protective effect. The development of a process for the substantiation of health claims in the UK and in the EU is important to underpin regulatory developments, which should protect the consumer, promote fair trade and encourage innovation in the food industry. The present paper sets out the format of the scientific dossier that was presented to the JHCI and includes a call to promote further research to identify the important protective components in the whole grain ‘package’ and the biological mechanisms behind the observed beneficial effects on health. The major sources of whole grain in the UK are bread and breakfast cereals, and >90% of adults in the UK consume less than three servings per d. Increasing the variety and availability of acceptable whole-grain foods could lead to greater consumption levels, which has important public health implications and offers an attractive and food-based dietary strategy for targeting the whole population.


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian A. Macdonald

Carbohydrate-rich foods are an essential component of the diet, providing the glucose that is continuously required by the nervous system and some other cells and tissues in the body for normal function. There is some concern that too much carbohydrate or certain types of carbohydrate such as fructose or the high glycaemic index carbohydrate foods that produce large, rapid increases in blood glucose may be detrimental to health. This review considers these issues and also summarises the public health advice currently available in Europe and the USA concerning dietary carbohydrates. The UK Scientific Advisory Committee on Nutrition is currently reviewing carbohydrates and health, and the subsequent report should help clarify some of the concerns regarding carbohydrates and health.


2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michiel P.M.M. de Krom ◽  
Peter Oosterveer

In August 2005, avian influenza entered European public arenas as the next food and agricultural risk. As the virus was detected close to Europe, questions arose whether measures were required to protect human health and secure European food supply. This article analyzes the public debates on the characteristics of the risk and on the interventions needed. The mass media in two EU member states, the UK and the Netherlands, were studied for this purpose. With the help of qualitative analysis the debates were analyzed as they unfolded in selected national newspapers. Arguing that risks are socially mediated realities, the article discusses how struggles on risk definitions relate to different policy decisions. Moreover, it analyzes how these political dynamics are informed by the involvement of state, market, and civil society actors in European governance, and discerns their wider implications for the functioning of the EU food governance framework.


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