scholarly journals Tadzhikistan-Russia: Geopolitical Relations at the Turn of the Century

2015 ◽  
pp. 29-34
Author(s):  
Z. S. Saidzoda
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Technical Assistance ◽  
Human Dimensions ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Open Door Policy ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Foreign Investments ◽  
The Government ◽  
Military Facilities

RETRACTEDIn this article the writer analyses the development peculiarities of the Tajik-Russian geopolitical relations during the establishment of Tajikistan foreign policy up to the commencement of multi-vector «open doors» policy in 2003-2004. Since the establishment of peace and stability in Tajikistan beginning from the year of 2000 the socio-economic development issues have been set as prior actions. To boost the economy, attraction of foreign investments, creation of new jobs and improvement of life standard of population were the issues to address. Political leaders of Tajikistan had no right to waste time making no headway. The country inevitably faced the issue of diversification of interstate and foreign economic relations, including outside the CIS. The article highlights that the foreign «open door» policy declared at the turn of2002-2003 implied mandatory modernization of the Tajik-Russian cooperation through strengthening its economic and human dimensions, adjusting the strategic partnership and alliance between the two states to the new global political realities. As to the geopolitical and military-political priorities, which Tajikistan had firmly adhered throughout the entire 1990th since its Independence, they actually remained unchanged even after 2002. The author points out the long-term Russian presence in the form of a large scale military base and military infrastructure on the territory of Tajikistan. The Republic is one of the most consistent, active and disciplined members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization. During the first decade of the XXI century the political leaders of Tajikistan had been receiving offers from foreign non CIS countries with regard to deployment of military facilities on a fee basis on the territory of Tajikistan which were not even considered by the Government. Thus, the multi-vector foreign policy of «open doors» has been reflected in diversification of the international relations of Tajikistan, in demonopolization of trade and economic priorities, in attraction of foreign investments and military-technical assistance from the third countries (other than CIS and CSTO countries) but completely preserving the geopolitical and military-political priorities established until 2002.

scholarly journals Turkey’s “Zero Problems with the Neighbors” Policy: Was It Realistic?

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Askerov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Importance ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
National Interests ◽  
New Approach ◽  
The Government ◽  
Economic Developments

With the advancement of power in 2002, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has introduced revolutionary policies in Turkey in various realms, including foreign affairs. The new trend in the foreign policy focused on not having problems with neighbors. This could be possible or nearly possible theoretically but eliminating century-long and deep-rooted conflicts with some of the neighbors would not be easy in practice. The new idealistic/moralistic approach necessitated new ways of policy formulation based on mutual gains and unthinkable concessions on the part of Turkey. Ankara’s new approach had given a special importance to building bridges of trust with the neighbors, which also seemed attractive to the political leaders of the neighboring states. This idealistic/moralistic approach was vulnerable to the dynamic political and economic developments in the region and the world in general. The policy did not have a power of sustainability due to the various old, new, and emerging problems around Turkey and hence, the government had to give it up gradually and take a new course of foreign policy based on realistic approaches to defend its national interests.

scholarly journals The challenges of reconstruction after the October 2005 Kashmir earthquake

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamid Mumtaz ◽  
S. Habib Mughal ◽  
Maggie Stephenson ◽  
Jitendra K. Bothara
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Technical Assistance ◽  
Residential Buildings ◽  
Kashmir Earthquake ◽  
The North ◽  
Earthquake Resistant ◽  
Massive Scale ◽  
2005 Kashmir Earthquake ◽  
The Government ◽  
Housing Reconstruction

The 8th October 2005 Kashmir Earthquake was one the largest earthquakes in Northern Pakistan in its recorded history. It caused an unprecedented level of damage and destruction in Pakistan Administered Kashmir (PAK) and the North Western Frontier Province (NWFP). It damaged or collapsed more than 0.6 million buildings - leaving 3.5 million people shelter less as winter approached. A large part of the earthquake-affected area is difficult to access and highly snow-prone, with rugged terrain and scattered settlements. It posed unique challenges and efforts on a massive-scale for reconstruction. For residential buildings, the Pakistan government adopted a house-owner driven approach. The reconstruction policy stated that the government and other agencies would provide equal technical assistance and subsidy to each family, without differentiating between who lost what. To increase capacity in earthquake-resistant construction, large-scale training of artisans, technicians, engineers, and community mobilisers has been conducted. Campaigns to “build back better” have raised awareness in the communities. Local Housing Reconstruction Centres have been established for training, advice, and dissemination of earthquake-resistant technology. This decentralised approach has helped in achieving reconstruction smoothly. This paper will present the authors’ first-hand experience in the reconstruction effort, and the opportunities and unique challenges faced.

Public Opinion and the War in Vietnam

1967 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney Verba ◽  
Richard A. Brody ◽  
Edwin B. Parker ◽  
Norman H. Nie ◽  
Nelson W. Polsby ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Recent Experience ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Life And Death

Foreign policy seems to command more public attention than domestic policy and yet—insofar as it has been, researched—public opinion on foreign policy seems to have less impact on governmental decisions than does opinion in most other issue areas. There are at least two reasons, one normative and one empirical, why public opinion can be regarded as pertinent to some foreign policy questions—especially those associated with “life and death.” Normatively, it is desirable for political leaders in a democracy to commit national resources in ways generally approved by the populace. Large scale military commtiments should, if at all possible, meet with the approval of public opinion. Empirically, if they do not, experience has shown there are circumstances in which public disapproval of the course of foreign policy may be registered in national elections. Specifically, our one recent experience with a situation of partial mobilization and a limited but large-scale and indefinite commitment to military action in Korea did in time produce a distribution of opinion that suggested the war was very unpopular. And though its precise impact on the 1952 presidential election is difficult to assess there is little doubt that the Korean issue contributed significantly to the Eisenhower landslide.Among the questions raised by the Korean experience is whether the American public will easily tolerate the prosecution of long drawn-out wars of partial mobilization. Therefore, it is not surprising that another such war, in Vietnam, has stimulated a concern with public opinion.

New Government of Chile: Challenges of Equality and Efficiency

2015 ◽  
pp. 71-80
Author(s):  
L. D’yakova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Education Reform ◽  
Educational Reform ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
System Reform ◽  
Wide Scale ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

The paper specifies current politico-social situation in Chile, in particular the challenges associated with wide-scale public expectations of recent years, with development and expansion of radical and protest moods. While pointing at the advantages of Chilean development model shown over the period of 1990–2014 (namely, successful transition to democracy, efficient economy and large-scale social policy) the author turns to the analysis of the causes of political turbulence that acutely emerged at a time of President S. Piňera (2010–2014) in the form of mass youth’s protests against unpopular project of educational reform which has been proposed by the government. Against the background of rising of protest moods, supported in a greater degree by young students, and the mass social expectations, the author is dealing with different domestic and foreign policy challenges facing M. Bachelet, the newly elected President (2014–2018). This refers to implementing the promised educational reform focused on principles of free-of charge and affordability for everybody, the electoral system reform extending the area of political participation for small parties, to adoption a new Constitution. The new democratic government of Chile faces very serious challenge domestically. On the one hand, Chilean electorate demands to secure more social equality within the nation. On the other hand, there is an obvious need to promote more effective, dynamic development for creation competitive marketable economy. The article considers the first steps of M. Bachelet concerning tax and education reform, positions of the pro-Presidential parties and the center-right opposition. Finally, the author deals with the main aspects of Chile’s foreign policy agenda, in particular, participation in the Pacific Alliance, delimitation of a new sea border between Peru and Chile, as well as dealing with Bolivia’s claim to provide it an outlet to the sea via Chilean territory.

Afghanistan'S Foreign Policy: Patterns And Problems

1988 ◽  
Vol 44 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 226-239
Author(s):  
R. Gopalakrishnan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Effective Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Government

Soviet intervention in Afghanistan clearly indicates the strategic implications of its location. The political instability in the region (rise of fundamentalism in Iran, Iran-Iraq War and so on) has added to this significance. Be that as it may, Afghanistan's situation can be expressed in terms of its susceptibility to external pressures and intense factionalism within the land-locked state's dynamic populations. This latter aspect had divided the country several times over. Afghan foreign policy, therefore, has been viewed in this perspective. The present article reviews the stated facts to highlight the geographical significance of the location and its impact on the foreign policy. Introduction of the armed forces in national politics (this formed an important element in the country's politics right from the beginning) has been the most conspicuous development; it determined the who's and what's of the government. Traditional pressure groups, despite retaining some of their old hold on the society, had given way to radical groups or factions, armed forces and insurgent elements. These penetrated various strata of the Afghan society. Since 1963, when political liberalisation and participation was introduced, disruptive tendencies gradually impinged on the state's activities. Generally, this was evident between 1963–73 and was particularly so after the 1973 coup, when the Monarchy was replaced by a republican regime under Daud. Both, the Armed Forces and the Communist Party were involved but were sidelined once power was secured. This change did not bring the expected transformations in the patterns of administration. The change was only in name and power was still concentrated with Daud who began to implement his own policies that emerged between 1953–63. The period of his first stint in power coincided wiih an aggravation of problems, political and economic, caused by a closure of transit facilities. However, this pause was fully exploited by the radical parties who gradually brought the dominant elements of the Armed Forces under their influence, so that, they were able to deliver a coup d'etat under the leadership of Tarakki in April 1978. The new regime was not able to maintain effective control over the political situation that for the next twenty months brought internal political instability to its height and compelled the Soviet Union to move (this was perhaps to protect its vulnerable southern underbelly). The period from April 1978 onwards, saw active non-cooperation, large scale desertions from the Armed Forces and a deterioration of the economy. In addition, open opposition by the religious groups and insurgent elements presented a political picture that has been so vividly illustrated by Afghan political history. Intense factionalism and infighting within the regime saw Amin replacing the moderate Tarakki in September 1979. This led to a worsening of the political situation with the state at war with itself. This compelled the Soviet Union to move into Afghanistan. In a short but bloody war, Amin was disposed and a government under Karmal was established with Soviet support1. These developments then, clearly suggest the need to review the background of the patterns and problems of the foreign policy of Afghanistan as determined and identified by its locational characteristics.

scholarly journals From Impediment to Adaptation: Chinese Investments in Myanmar's New Regulatory Environment

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
SiuSue Mark ◽  
Youyi Zhang
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Social Activism ◽  
Regulatory Environment ◽  
The Political ◽  
Operating Environment ◽  
Foreign Investments ◽  
Public Pressure ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Investment Behaviour

Myanmar's political transition of 2011 was followed by changes in the political and economic realms of society. The transition emboldened social activism, expressed as protests regarding the injustices suffered by people under the military regime. Many of these protests were related to large-scale extractive investments that had little regard for local communities and the environment. After the West lifted most of its sanctions, transnational capital actors who had been absent for the previous two decades returned to the country, many of them offering higher investment standards. In response to the “push” of public pressure and the “pull” of new investments, reformists in the Government of Myanmar (GoM) are now attempting to implement a stronger investment regulatory framework. The GoM's new demands on foreign investments to comply with higher investment standards are strengthened by Chinese state reformers’ own nascent efforts to curtail the excesses of that country's state-owned enterprises globally. As a result, prominent SOEs are being pressured to adapt to the new operating environment, resulting in observable changes in investment behaviour. We conclude that reform efforts are challenged by limitations on reformist state actors’ autonomy and capacity to regulate investments.

scholarly journals US Policy towards Ukraine under Donald Trump’s Administration: Problematic Issues and Prospects

2020 ◽  
pp. 658-667
Author(s):  
Olha Kravchenko
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Trump Administration

The article describes and analyses the policy of the Trump administration towards Ukraine. Traditionally, the election of a new US President has some impact on the Washington’s position on Ukrainian issues, and the end of the presidential tenure serves as a reason to take stock of the results. Donald Trump’s presidency has not been marked by profound changes in the US foreign policy towards Ukraine, as it was inertially in line, for the most part, with the previous years. The American political establishment primarily views Ukraine through the prism of the security paradigm as a bulwark of deterring its global opponents, particularly Russia. Thus, the article deals with the challenges and prospects of the modern US policy towards Ukraine. The priorities of the US foreign policy towards Ukraine traditionally consist of the issues enshrined in the 2008 U.S.-Ukraine Charter on Strategic Partnership. The article focuses on defence, security, and energy cooperation. In this regard, the United States remains the major guarantor of the territorial integrity and independence of Ukraine. In deterring the Russian aggression, the Trump administration generally follows the approach of the imposition of economic sanctions, launched during the presidency of Barack Obama. It is important to stress that the United States focuses not only on the problem of the armed conflict in Donbas but also on the attempted illegal annexation of Crimea by Russia. At the same time, the focus on security issues has its negative repercussions, as it leads to certain limitations in bilateral relations, as evidenced by the lack of large-scale joint projects and weak trade and economic cooperation that impacts Ukraine’s position in the US foreign policy priorities. In the meantime, regardless of the name of the future US President, Washington’s support for Ukraine will be maintained. The close involvement of the United States in the negotiation process for the settlement of the conflict in Donbas and de-occupation of Crimea would significantly influence the course of events, but it is difficult to predict whether this prospect will become a reality. Keywords: US foreign policy towards Ukraine, Trump administration, strategic partnership, U.S.-Ukraine bilateral relations, process of impeachment.

scholarly journals The Military-Political Alliance and Diplomatic Cooperation of the UPR and the WUPR

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-90
Author(s):  
Ihor Datskiv
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Union ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

The article deals with the relationship between the West Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Ukrainian People’s Republic during the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. Within this framework, the military-political union and the interaction in the diplomatic sphere between the UPR and the WUPR are examined. It is noted that the question of the Union of the WUPR with Dnipro Ukraine arose due to the large-scale aggression of Poland in the West and the offensive of the Bolsheviks from the East. However, it was envisaged that the WUPR would be granted broad autonomy with its own army and government. The WUPR received considerable military and material aid from the UPR, which contributed to the war with a much stronger enemy. It is argued that after the union was created, there was a need for harmonization and co-ordination of foreign policy of the states and their foreign affairs agencies. As a result, those institutions acquired all-Ukrainian status. However, this did not affect WUPR missions in the countries that emerged in the territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, namely Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Other diplomatic missions become common for the UPR and the WUPR. The article states that over time certain controversies emerged as for the vision of foreign policy priorities of the WUPR and the UPR. The government and military leadership of the WUPR began to cooperate with the Bolsheviks. One of the reasons is the lack of power of the WUPR armed forces and the Bolshevik sympathy towards them. Besides, the increasing number of Galician and Dnipro Ukraine politicians and diplomats offered Y. Petrushevych to change his foreign policy orientation, distance himself from S. Petliura and be guided solely by his own interests. In turn, S. Petliura forged an agreement on behalf of the UPR on the recognition of Eastern Galicia as part of Poland and the rejection of previous acts of national unity. The article also deals with the process of establishing the military cooperation of the WUPR with the Bolsheviks and the agreements inter se. Keywords: WUPR, UPR, military-political alliance, diplomacy, foreign policy, Bolsheviks.

Jordan’s cosmetic reforms may divert Pandora pressure

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
State Solution ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
The Government

Significance This announcement, designed to divert rising public anger over economic failures and political authoritarianism, was overshadowed by new revelations from the ‘Pandora Papers’, which headlined Abdullah’s large-scale purchases of luxury properties abroad. Impacts A mixture of reform promises and repression of the most vocal dissenters will enable the monarchy to manage future protest waves. To battle economic challenges, the government will lean heavily upon aid from Western and Arab allies. Amman will divert focus to foreign policy goals, notably normalisation with Syria and the Palestinian two-state solution.

Land Use Change and Commodity Frontiers

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Cáceres ◽  
Esteban Tapella ◽  
Diego A. Cabrol ◽  
Lucrecia Estigarribia
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Field Work ◽  
Dry Forest ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Fast Pace ◽  
Forest Use ◽  
The Government ◽  
Social Environmental ◽  
Management Recommendations

Argentina is experiencing an expansion of soya and maize cultivation that is pushing the agricultural frontier over areas formerly occupied by native Chaco forest. Subsistance farmers use this dry forest to raise goats and cattle and to obtain a broad range of goods and services. Thus, two very different and non-compatible land uses are in dispute. On the one hand subsistance farmers fostering an extensive and diversified forest use, on the other hand, large-scale producers who need to clear out the forest to sow annual crops in order to appropriate soil fertility. First, the paper looks at how these social actors perceive Chaco forest, what their interests are, and what kind of values they attach to it. Second, we analyze the social-environmental conflicts that arise among actors in order to appropriate forest’s benefits. Special attention is paid to the role played by the government in relation to: (a) how does it respond to the demands of the different sectors; and (b) how it deals with the management recommendations produced by scientists carrying out social and ecological research. To put these ideas at test we focus on a case study located in Western Córdoba (Argentina), where industrial agriculture is expanding at a fast pace, and where social actors’ interests are generating a series of disputes and conflicts. Drawing upon field work, the paper shows how power alliances between economic and political powers, use the institutional framework of the State in their own benefit, disregarding wider environmental and social costs. 

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