THE RELATIONSHIP OF JOURNALISTS AND MPS AFTER THE FIRST RUSSIAN REVOLUTION IN THE PERIOD OF WORK OF THE STATE DUMA OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE OF THE THIRD CONVOCATION (1907-1912)

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 102-111
Author(s):  
P.S. Nitkin ◽  
Author(s):  
Ольга Грива ◽  
Ol'ga Griva

In the presented monograph discusses the state of Affairs in the schools in the second half of XIX — beginning of XX century, concerning questions of organization of relations between teachers and students, by students. Documents of the gymnasiums operating in the territory of the Russian Empire, in particular in the Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kiev, Kharkov and Odessa educational districts are analyzed. The author refuted the point of view on the school as a "school of drill and rote learning", and allegedly progressive role of school in shaping the educated, cultured, educated citizens. On numerous unpublished materials of archives (Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kiev, Kharkov, Odessa and Simferopol), a complex of official pedagogical documents and theoretical works of teachers shows the nature of the organization of intra-relations.


Author(s):  
А.В. Мацук

В статье исследуются события бескоролевья 1733 г. в Речи Посполитой. Согласно «трактату Левенвольде» компромиссным кандидатом на избрание монархом Речи Посполитой был португальский инфант дон Мануэль, которого предложила Австрия. Россия больше склонялась к кандидатуре «пяста». Россия оказалась не подготовленной к началу бескоролевья. Бывшие российские союзники магнаты ВКЛ рассорились с российским послом Фридрихом Казимиром Левенвольде и перешли на сторону Франции. В конце февраля 1733 г. в ВКЛ направили Юрия Ливена, который от имени российской царицы предложил поддержку в получении короны Михаилу Вишневецкому и Павлу Сангушке. Принятое на конвокационном сейме решение об избрании королем «пяста» и католика показало популярность Станислава Лещинского. В результате вслед за Австрией Россия поддержала кандидатом на корону Фридриха Августа. Магнаты ВКЛ до последнего оставались конкурентами о короне. Оппозиция Лещинскому объединилась под лозунгом защиты «вольного выбора» и поэтому в ней остались кандидаты «пясты», которые не могли уступить друг другу, и согласились на компромисс – кандидатуру Фридриха Августа. Для противодействия возможному избранию Лещинского Россия создала в ВКЛ новоградскую конфедерацию. Ее организатором стал новоградский воевода Николай Фаустин Радзивилл. Эта конфедерация становится основой Генеральной Варшавской конфедерации, которая 5 октября 1733 г. избирает королем саксонского курфюрста. The article examines the events of the «kingless» year of 1733 in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. According to the Levenwolde Treaties the compromise candidate for the Commonwealth’s throne was the Portuguese Infante Don Manuel, who’s candidacy was proposed by Austria. Russia, in turn, leaned towards the «pyasta» candidate. The Russian Empire was clearly unprepared for the start of the kingless period. Russia’s former allies – magnates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania – came into conflict with the Russian ambassador Frederick Kazimir Levenwolde and sided with France. In late February of 1733, Empress Anna Ioanovna of Russia sent Yuri Liven to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, who offered official support in the struggle for the crown to Mikhail Vishnevetsky and Pavel Sangushka. The electoral decision made at the Sejm proved the popularity of the «pyast» and Catholic candidates, specifically – Stanislaus Leschinsky. In turn, Russia – following Austria – showed its support for the candidacy of Frederick August. The magnates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania remained in opposition in the crown issue until the very last. Opposition to Leschinsky was united under the motto of «free choice». For that reason, it was comprised of «pyasta» candidates, who were in a deadlock with one another, and were now ready for the compromise candidacy of Frederick Augustus. In order to counter the possible election of Leschinsky, Russia created the Novograd Confederation in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It was organized by the Novograd Voevoda Faustin Radzivill. This confederation became the core of the General Warsaw Confederation that – on October 5th 1733 – elected the Saxon King to the throne of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.


Author(s):  
Gennadiy G. Bril’ ◽  
Leonid N. Zaytsev

The article examines the process of origin and formation of the political police of Kostroma Province in the mid-19th century. Special attention is paid to the issue of its staffi ng and the wide use of army offi cers for service in the political police. The chronological framework covers a little-studied period of activity of the political police in Kostroma Province. The authors of the article note that the Highest orders of military ranks that had a special place in the appointment of the headquarters and chief offi cers of the political police. On the basis of archival materials, the main directions of service activities of the highest ranks of the political police in the region are analysed. The article reveals the contribution of the gendarmes’ Corps chiefs to the protection of public order during the period under review. The author reveals the attitude of the authorities to literacy among the lower ranks of the gendarmerie. On the basis of historical and archival documents, it is concluded that the successful career of offi cers was promoted by conscientious performance of their offi cial duties, their «excellent-diligent and zealous service». It is concluded that special attention was paid to discipline among the gendarmes. The political police were independent of other branches of government, and were subordinate only to the headquarters of the gendarmes’ corps and the third division of His Imperial Majesty’s own offi ce. Gaps in the historical and legal coverage of the work of the state security Agency in the province of the Russian Empire at the fi rst stage of its existence are fi lled.


Author(s):  
Michael A. Gomez

This prologue provides an overview of the history of early and medieval West Africa. During this period, the rise of Islam, the relationship of women to political power, the growth and influence of the domestically enslaved, and the invention and evolution of empire were all unfolding. In contrast to notions of an early Africa timeless and unchanging in its social and cultural categories and conventions, here was a western Savannah and Sahel that from the third/ninth through the tenth/sixteenth centuries witnessed political innovation as well as the evolution of such mutually constitutive categories as race, slavery, ethnicity, caste, and gendered notions of power. By the period's end, these categories assume significations not unlike their more contemporary connotations. All of these transformations were engaged with the apparatus of the state and its progression from the city-state to the empire. The transition consistently featured minimalist notions of governance replicated by successive dynasties, providing a continuity of structure as a mechanism of legitimization. Replication had its limits, however, and would ultimately prove inadequate in addressing unforeseen challenges.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.


Author(s):  
Marcello Garzaniti

This study offers a synthetic view of the relationship of the Eastern Slavic world, in particular Russia, with Humanism and the Renaissance, indicating new paths of research on the identity formation of Muscovy and the Russian Empire in the European context. In particular, we focus on the arrival of Sophia Palaiologina in Moscow, on the activities of Maximus the Greek in Russia, and on the idea of Rome and Moscow in the 16th century.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 177-180
Author(s):  
Andrey Ivanovich Eliseev

The paper analyzes published and archival documents, periodical materials, and memoirs of contemporaries; it is devoted to the socio-political activities of the member of the Samara Zemstvo Council, one of the organizers of the Samara Provincial and Buzuluk Uyezd Committees of the Constitutional Democratic Party, deputy of the first State Duma of the Russian Empire, Vasily Andreevich Plemyannikov. The author examines the work of V.A. Plemyannikov in the Zemstvo institutions of the Samara province and All-Russian Zemstvo Congresses, where he studied the situation in the region, gained rich experience in social activities, and formed his political views. The paper also contains an overview of Plemyannikovs relations with Central authorities and regional public organizations. The author argues that the years of the first Russian revolution became the peak of Plemyannikovs social and political activity. The paper is focused on the active participation of V.A. Plemyannikov in the State Duma election campaign and the organization of the local branch of the Constitutional Democratic Party in Buzuluk Uyezd. Due to his active propaganda work and political significance in the province, Plemyannikov was elected to the State Duma. In addition to the reconstruction of political activity of V.A. Plemyannikov, the paper introduces previously unknown biographical data.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1131-1142
Author(s):  
Dmitriy M. Legkiy ◽  

The article and the published documents study the previously unknown documents on the judicial reform. Drawing on archival documents discovered in the Stasovs family archive (from the manuscript department of the Institute of Russian Literature) and in the secret archive of the Third Department of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancery (from the State Archive of the Russian Federation), including correspondence of D. V. Stassov with the chairman of the Yekaterinoslav criminal court chamber, A. S. Kuznetsov (1862–66), the publication reveals the unknown pages of the history of the judicial reform of 1864 in the Russian Empire. The sources highlight the activities of the commission for preparation of the reform under (initially) quite difficult conditions. The details of the judicial reform preparation are given against the background of constant struggles between conservative and liberal camps (with the gradual switchover of high-ranking officials from one camp to another, depending on the Emperor’s will), as well as between different groups and directions. Thus, the adoption of final decisions was delayed due to uncertain, evasive position of its members, as it happened during discussions of individual bills in the State Council. Attention is drawn to the reaction of officials of the Third Department, when perlustrating letters of the Councilor of State, Chief Secretary of the Governing Senate and Chairman of the Criminal Court Chamber of Yekaterinoslav containing quite immodest thoughts on the “behind-the-scenes preparation” of the Judicial reform. D. V. Stasov’s letters were actually weekly diary entries recording the preparation of the 1864 judicial reform, his tone picturesque, descriptions of ministers and high officials accurate and caustic. Such evidence from very authoritative sources provides a wealth of material on the attitude of the Imperial Court and the heads of state institutions (the Ministry of Justice, the State Council, the Senate, the Committee of Ministers, the Second Department of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancery) involved in decision-making concerning judicial projects, which has not been adequately covered in historical and legal studies. Publication of D. V. Stasov's letters (from the archival materials of the Stasov family fond) can significantly expand the source base on the history of preparation of the judicial reforms in the Russian Empire in 1860–64.


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