International and regional rivalry in the Horn of Africa - East Africa and its reflection on security in the Middle East

Author(s):  
Saad Obaid Alwan Al - Saeedi ◽  
Mustafa Abdualkareem

The researchers focused on armed conflicts, humanitarian disasters and poverty when they looked at areas such as the largely interconnected Horn of Africa and East Africa, ignoring the strategic importance of these areas in regional and international security. In fact, this region is only geographically, politically, economically and security to compete at all levels and is affected by the dynamics of conflict and international and regional cooperation and its external variables. Since the major discoveries of energy sources in the Middle East and the increasing importance of sea lanes, the region has become increasingly important in international and regional strategies. The importance of the Middle East region as part of the strategies of the international and regional powers has become at the heart of the foreign political goals of these forces, which not only strengthened their influence in the Middle East, but also extended their plans to neighboring regions in order to ensure their survival within the framework of competition in the Middle East or to protect their vital interests. Among the most interconnected areas of the Horn of Africa - East Africa is the Middle East and Arab countries close to them in particular, including Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Sudan. There is no doubt that the objectives of the international and regional forces competing in this region have serious repercussions on the Arab regional security, especially in the Red Sea and the corridors related to it and from this race and international and regional scramble to get a real basis for the exercise of roles in this region and the extent of reflection on the overall security in the region Middle East stems from the importance of the subject.

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (8) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Nouf Saud Al-Maatouk ◽  
Mohamed Kamal

Studying the potentials of the regional role of Qatar has a big importance as a result of expanding and increasing this role, especially after the changing in its directions which draw the attention for interesting and study. Therefore this study aimed to investigate the determinants of the Qatari regional role towards the Middle East countries, especially the Arab countries in the absence of the big regional partners- Egypt and Saudi Arabia, also determine the factors, bases, tools and characteristics of this determinants that influencing the strength and expansion of this role in the region. The study concluded that Qatar as a small state and its geographic size didn’t enhance the determinants for acting as a regional force, but Qatar occupies a central place in the territory of the Middle East region, in addition to Physical force, and political statesmanship can be substituted in the diplomatic game management, all the way to the strategic goals and the task of maintaining the state and its political system that burgles them, not by the big powers, but by competing regional powers to dominate the region. Thus, it utilize its strategic site and invested in the appropriate opportunities which have been provided after the Arab Spring.


Author(s):  
Ahmed Fadel Jassim Dawood

The Arab region is of great importance as an important part of the Middle East for both international and regional powers.This importance has placed it and its peoples in the suffering of international and regional interventions and has placed it in a state of permanent instability as it witnessed international and regional competition that increased significantly after the US intervention in Iraq in 2003. Accordingly, the research aims to shed light on the strategic directions of the global and regional powers by knowing their objectives separately, such as American, Russian, Turkish, Israeli and Iranian. The course aims at determining the future of this region in terms of political stability and lack thereof. Therefore, the hypothesis of the research comes from [that the different strategic visions and political and economic interests between the international and regional powers have exacerbated the conflicts between those forces and their alliances within the Arab region.. The third deals with the future of the Arab region in light of the conflict of these strategies. Accordingly, the research reached a number of conclusions confirming the continuation of international and regional competition within the Arab region, as well as the continuation of the state of conflict, tension, instability and chaos in the near term, as a result of the inability of Arab countries to overcome their political differences on the one hand and also their inability to advance their Arab reality. In the face of external challenges on the other.


2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-301
Author(s):  
Anush Begoyan

AbstractThe article examines security issues of the Transcaucasian region with the focus on nonmilitary and trans-border security threats and a regional security community that also includes non-state security actors of the region, such as not-recognised autonomous entities, nations, ethnic groups, minorities, etc.This approach to regional security shifts the focus of policies from balance of power to closer regional integration and cooperation, as well as joint provision of regional security. Despite many objectives and existing obstacles to this scenario of regional development, the author sees it to be the only way toward a stable and long-term security in the region. The article argues that closer regional cooperation and integration would allow to accommodate interests and security concerns of non-state actors of the region and would bring the fate of regional issues back in the hands of the regional powers and create bases for sustainable and lasting peace in the region.


1973 ◽  
Vol 13 (142) ◽  
pp. 22-25

ICRC delegates in Israel and the Arab countries have, in recent weeks, made several visits to prisoners of war. As usual, they talked with them without witnesses. In accordance with the established practice, reports are sent to the detaining authorities and to the prisoners' own governments.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (II) ◽  
pp. 22-33
Author(s):  
Nasreen Akhtar ◽  
Manzoor Khan Afridi

The Syrian skirmish, vis-�-vis Middle East region and complexities, has been analysed at three main levels -domestic, regional and extra-regional. The internal vulnerabilities of the Syrian state and society at a domestic level is dominant in paving the way for the origin of the conflict and providing the vacuum to the regional and extra-regional actors to further deteriorate the condition of Syria. The Syrian conflict is the central security issues within the Regional Security Complex of the Middle East. Although extra-regional relations influence regional security, the Syrian conflict poses more security threat to the regional actors. This paper will explain these questions; What role is being played by the extra-regional [global] powers in the Syrian conflict, and how the Syrian crises are increasing challenges to the security of the Middle East region?


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Kamil Azimov ◽  
◽  
Olga Petrosova

The article is devoted to territorial conflicts and conflicts of water use in the Middle East region. The states of the Near and Middle East are a sub regional system of international relations. This area has a high level of conflict. We can assume that the region holds one of the highest ratings in terms of the number of conflicts and crises


Author(s):  
Wissal Werfelli

The article analyzes the issue of the Middle East security. The Arab countries are facing a lot of regional threats and a fundamental shift in the regional security system, which has become one of the basic variables for the Middle East through the transition to a new form of regional and international interactions. The existence of mutual influences between the nature of the international system and the regional order of the Middle East and the Gulf region is already considered as an incubator for all intractable conflicts and crises.  We cannot study the concept of regional security in separate from the global effects and repercussions. After the end of the Cold War and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the structural transformations and global changes led to the emergence of profound changes in the international system, which resulted in the restructuring of the general features of the international environment.  The international transformation is marked by the fact that the new world order increased the chances of emergence of new international powers in both Europe and Asia, whether countries or major economic or political blocs trying to establish a multi-polar international order, which prompted the United States to pursue a policy of cooperation with competing powers.  And in light of this international environment, it was natural for the regions of strategic importance, particularly the Middle East, to be affected because they were linked to relations of mutual influence with the international system, as international balances affect regional balances.


Author(s):  
Mohammed Nuruzzaman

Religious violence, primarily stemming from Shia–Sunni conflicts, has occupied the center stage in contemporary Middle East. It’s most recent brutal expression, which is viewed as a symptom rather than the cause, is the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS; also called the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant; ISIL) in the summer of 2014 and the violence it unleashed against the Shias, the anti-ISIS Sunnis and other non-Muslim groups across and beyond the Middle East. The violence did not erupt suddenly, however: it is an outcome of a myriad of complex historical, religious, political, economic, and geopolitical factors. Historically, tensions between Islam’s two rival sects, the Shias and the Sunnis, have existed, especially after the Battle of Karbala in 680 (which saw the defeat of Husayn ibn Ali, the grandson of Prophet Muhammad and the younger son of Ali ibn Abi Talib, the son-in-law of the Prophet and the fourth caliph of Islam, at the hand of Damascus-based Umayyad Caliph Yazid I), mostly in abeyance but occasionally resulting in encounters. In the contemporary context, a host of factors, most notably external interventions including the 2003 US invasion of Iraq and the toppling of the minority Sunni-led Saddam Hussein government, the sectarianization of politics by the Gulf Arab monarchs, Iran, and other dictatorial regimes in the region to consolidate regime survival, and the geopolitical competitions for power and influence between the region’s two archrivals: the Shia powerhouse Iran and the self-proclaimed defender of the Sunnis, Saudi Arabia, have greatly abetted violence between Islam’s two rival sects. Bahrain, Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon, and Syria are the battleground states where the two regional heavyweights, being aided by two extra-regional powers, the United States and the Russian Federation, are jostling and jockeying to edge each other out to claim regional preeminence. The malaise of sectarian violence took a more serious toll on the peoples and societies in the region after the outbreak of Arab movements for democracy, what is dubbed the Arab Spring, in December 2010 and what is continuing today. This article partially originates from the author’s research project “Shia – Sunni Sectarian Violence and Middle East Regional Security” funded by the European Union and tenable at Durham University, U.K.


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