The Impact of African States on the United Nations

1969 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Kay

The United Nations at its present stage of development is a political system of formally coordinate Members, each able to place before the Organization the demands that flow from its own environment. One can hypothesize that a stable environment will yield a stable pattern of demands on the United Nations political system. Similarly it can be hypothesized that a change in the environment—the major components of which are the Member States—will change the pattern of demands made on the political system of the Organization. It is on just such a change that this article proposes to focus. In the period between 1955 and the end of 1968, 37 African states, largely devoid of experience in the contemporary international arena and struggling with the multitudinous problems of fashioning coherent national entities in the face of both internal and external pressures, joined the United Nations. The admission of these states substantially altered the Organization's environment and the demands being made upon it. It is suggested here that these changes have been so substantial as to alter the nature of the political process of the Organization. Concern will be focused successively upon the nature of the entry of the African states into the United Nations, a determination of the areas in which the African states have made demands upon the system, the constitutional structure of the Organization as it has evolved under the impact of the African states, the impact of the African states on the handling of major issues, and finally on trends and implications of the role of African states in the United Nations.

1967 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 786-811 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Kay

The fifteenth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations which convened in New York in September 1960 marked an important turning point in the history of the Organization. The United Nations had been created primarily through the efforts of states with a European or European-derived political and social culture possessing a common history of political involvement at the international level. During its first ten years the Organization was dominated by the problems and conflicts of these same states. However, by 1955 the process of decolonization which has marked the post-1945 political arena began to be reflected in the membership of the United Nations. In the ten years preceding the end of 1955 ten new nations devoid of experience in the contemporary international arena and struggling with the multitudinous problems of fashioning coherent national entities in the face of both internal and external pressures joined the Organization. By 1960 the rising tide of decolonization had reached flood crest with the entry in that one year of seventeen new Members—sixteen of which were from Africa.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy L. Freedman

AbstractThis article explores the impact of Muslim organizations and Muslim political parties in Indonesia and Malaysia and their relationship to democracy. Questions addressed are as follows: How does the political system (broadly described) facilitate or constrain the goals of various Muslim organizations (both groups in society and political parties)? What roles do these Muslim organizations play in impacting politics and where (or in what areas of) in the political process are they most effective? Under what circumstances have Muslim associations and/or parties been a force for (or antagonistic to) democratization? Given the ethnic and regional diversity in Malaysia and Indonesia, the initial hypotheses for these questions are as follows: under authoritarian and semi-authoritarian rule Muslim organizations actually have greater opportunities to polarize rhetoric as they appeal to citizens based on claims of moral supremacy, fulfillment of social welfare needs, and some level of criticism of a restricted or corrupted political order. At different times the Pan-Malayan Islamic Association (PAS), the leading Muslim party in Malaysia (and a dominant opposition party) has had limited appeal to voters. Under more democratic conditions, Islamic groups or parties may need to moderate their appeals, and/or build coalitions with secular or non-Islamic groups in order to win power and influence in the larger political system. Muslim political parties exist in both Malaysia and Indonesia; their power and influence have varied over time. This project aims to explain why these parties have had more support at some times than others and under what conditions they may moderate their demands and policy choices to accommodate pluralist leanings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 164
Author(s):  
Adohounde Yaovi Sylvestre ◽  
Agonnoude Bidoley Vianney Freddy

The change of political system in the Republic of Benin has always been a source of conflict between its political figures, since this system represents the structure around which the country must politically be built and be developed. The article analyzes the multiple transformations of the Beninese political system since its independence in August 1960 to date. The authors highlight the strong political tensions that existed within the country, followed by multiple military coups as one of the results of these transformation processes. In this article we analyze, the four major stages that led to an evolution of the political system in Benin. This includes the independence period with the impact of French constitutional law, the revolutionary period setting up the beginning of socialist ideology with General Mathieu Kérékou, the conference of the nation’s active forces of February 1990, and the undergoing reforms initiated by President Patrice Talon since 2016. The authors conclude by appreciating the reform efforts of Talon’s government, which aim to modernize and strengthen the Beninese political system in the face of contemporary challenges.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetyana Nagornyak ◽  
Vasyl Buslenko

This article substantiates theoretical and methodological approaches regarding the impact of the power–opposition interrelations on strengthening and weakening of democracy. Based on the analysis of a number of indicators and modern political process in Poland, it has been established that democratisation takes place against the backdrop of the permanent formation and preservation of two opposed poles in the political space. Deflection from democracy increases the distance between two competing/conflicting parties – pro-government and opposition. This situation automatically accumulates the potential of pole's force. Therefore, the interrelations between the power and the opposition turn into the force of stratification and equalisation that allows reducing the "democracy deficit" and bring the political system into the state of equilibrium


1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-224
Author(s):  
William J. Blough

Any time a political system has to induct a formerly excluded group into the political process, there is apt to be some uncertainty about what the consequences will be. This has been true in the United States on several occasions. When the Nineteenth Amendment was under discussion, there was considerable interest in what effect the feminine vote would have. When Southern blacks began to vote in large numbers in the 1960s, politicians and scholars wondered what the consequences would be. In 1971, with the ratification of the Twenty-Sixth Amendment, the impact of the youth vote is being debated, even though we have twenty years of sophisticated behavioral research to guide our speculation.In the United States, the political process is basically stable and institutionalized. But many countries are not so fortunate, particularly those that are moving rapidly from a traditional to a modern style.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agung Yudhistira Nugroho

Kashmir region is a complex area. Kashmir territorial dispute is caused by the impact on the political interests of both countries and through a unilateral claim of India and Pakistan. Issue a struggle power between India and Pakistan which the two countries mutually detterence launched through testing their nuclear weapons increasingly sharpening conflict between the two countries. The case of a prolonged struggle for Kashmir region forced the United Nations to find a solution as a step to solve the problem in Kashmir. The UN Security Council sends to India and Pakistan by bringing a proposal that suggested the two countries demilitarize over Kashmir to ensure that the polls are offered not take sides with one country. However, the proposal was rejected by India. India considered that the Kashmir issue is a bilateral issue with Pakistan. Resolution will be undertaken by the UN is always doomed to failure. This will be appointed by the author to see the extent of the territorial dispute escalating conflict.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


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