scholarly journals The Role of the War Time Army during the Political Process of Russia in 1917

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (8) ◽  
pp. 78-89
Author(s):  
I. N. Grebenkin

The crisis of the statehood in Russia in 1917 revealed the inability of traditional political institutions to execute its primary responsibilities which allowed new participants into the arena of the political struggle. One of these was the new army having appeared as a result of mass mobilization, however much different from a typical pre-war full-time army with its personnel, structure and its place in state life. In early 1917 the state and attitude of the army was similar to that of the general societal population, in particular the unpopularity of both the war and the political leadership of the country. The army participation was essential to the February Revolution victory. The Petrograd infantry revolt within military ranks defined the final success of the coup in the capital, and the Supreme Commander’s Headquarters agreed with the opposition and became an organizer of the Emperor recantation. Revolutionary changes gave an impulse to the politicization of army life. Soldiers’ and sailors’ anti-military ambition growth led to the rapid decline of discipline and fighting efficiency. In the summer of 1917, a number of generals headed by general L. G. Kornilov offered the government a number of proposed strong measures directed towards the recovery of discipline within the country and army. The intention to put in place a steady regime in the interests of continuing the war could not be coordinated openly, therefore it obtained a conspiracy nature between the Provisional Government and the Supreme Commander’s Headquarters. The realization of it became impossible in the absence of the participants’ mutual confidence and respect. The breakdown between them became the cause of the August political crisis and future radicalization of internal conflict. Military contingents became the main military power of the October Revolution in Petrograd. Soldiers’ and sailors’ conviction in justice of revolutionary reorganizations and waiting for the coming peace resulted in their increased influence for determining political direction.

Author(s):  
Geoffrey Marshall

The analysis of British political institutions in the twentieth century has not emerged solely from the writing of textbooks by political scientists. The genesis of general thinking about the government of the United Kingdom is to a lesser degree the product of professional reflection than is the development of theories about comparative government. It evolves more directly from the political process itself and from the controversies about government that government itself generates. This chapter discusses the powers of Parliament, the nature of cabinet government, the accountability of ministers, the dignified institutions, the re-modelling of Dicey’s institution, political institutions and public inquiry, and theory and analysis in political institutions.


Author(s):  
Andrey Andreev

The article deals with the intermediate results of the use of a set of Russian political strategies and technologies in the Ukrainian direction of Foreign Policy since Ukraine gained independence. The research takes into account the peculiarities of the political development of Ukraine. The research objective was to identify the prerequisites, characteristics, and consequences of the Ukrainian political crisis at the turn of 2013–2014 and the resulting political regime and order. A systematic approach and comparative analysis made it possible to formulate a general assessment of the political situation in Ukraine following the so-called "the Revolution of Dignity". On the basis of formal-logical analysis, the author substantiated the need for a comprehensive audit of the amount of Russian technologies through the application of system analysis to certain political circumstances. The author substantiated the increasing role of political technologies of pro-active character in the situation of deep crisis of previously effective political institutions, mechanisms, and norms. The resonant nature of such technologies made it possible to link the latter with the political reflection on the place and role of Ukraine in the system of Russian Foreign Policy, as well as on the peculiarities of the Ukrainian political process and the nature of its political system. The author generalized the experience of Russian influence on the mentioned Ukrainian events and defined the general conditions that can allow Russia to affect a changeable political situation in the post-Soviet countries, taking into account the inconsistency of modern political trends. The scope of the results can be used in the spheres of foreign policy, public administration, and public policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 170-185
Author(s):  
Oleg Tkach ◽  

The article considers the problems of threats to the collapse of democracy, when the components of democracy are at risk. Examples of the collapse of democracy have shown the lack of free and fair elections, which threatens the independence of the judiciary, the restriction of the right to freedom of speech, and the political opposition’s ability to challenge the government, prosecute and offer alternatives to the regime. The government poses a threat to national security in order to create a „sense of crisis” that allows the government to „denigrate critics as pro-government or unpatriotic” and portray defenders of democratic institutions as „representatives of a tired, isolated elite”. With this in mind, the purpose of the study was determined – to systematize the factors of the collapse of democracy. In order to achieve this goal, the criteria of approaches to the analysis of the problems of coagulation of democracy were analyzed and systematized. As a result, the factors of the collapse of democracy include: the weakening of political institutions, violations of individual rights and freedom of thought, which call into question the efficiency and stability of democratic systems. It is established that the problematic aspects are the level of inequality, differences in identity; democratization through bottom-up peaceful protests has led to a higher level of democracy and democratic stability than democratization caused by elites; constitutions resulting from pluralism (reflecting different segments of society) are more likely to promote liberal democracy (at least in the short term); that the threat of civil conflict encourages regimes to make democratic concessions; development in a democratic direction requires collective security; the process of democratization can occur by chance, as it depends on unique characteristics and circumstances; correlation of democratization with democratization of knowledge as the spread of the ability to create and legitimize knowledge among citizens, in contrast to knowledge under the control of elite groups; correlation with the effect of democratization of design. Key words : democracy, democratic backsliding, political regime, democratization, political crisis.


Significance Crackdowns against the political opposition have increased as the government tries to stifle political dissent. The constitution mandates presidential and national assembly elections by late November, but the incumbent, President Joseph Kabila, appears unwilling to leave office despite reaching his term limit. Impacts Tshisekedi's return will raise the stakes in the country's political crisis. Instability or political violence risks shattering DRC's fragile economic recovery. The UN could expand the mandate of its mission in the DRC depending on the outcome of the political process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-102
Author(s):  
Md Saiful Islam

Since 2009, after the December 2008 elections, the government has changed its political motives to hold power a long time and has taken a more conciliatory approach towards the political oppositions. Even the political crisis in Bangladesh is an everyday affair since the birth of this country. The fear of the blot '1/11' (one-eleven) event led to the current political crisis (such as undemocratic electoral process, violence, and conflicts, violation of human rights, blocking the freedom of speech, corruption, money laundering, and so on). The primary objective is to identify how the blot '1/11' (one-eleven) event has affected Bangladesh's political process. The study also focuses on the current political crisis's challenges through the existing scenery and realities in Bangladesh. The descriptive and quantitative method was adopted, and data was collected via existing survey reports, official statistical records, and published sources. The study's result revealed no proper democratic process in Bangladesh, but the country is in an autocratic regime. The research suggests that all stockholders of government, opposition parties, and international communities should care about Bangladesh's current political crisis for ensuring more committed, free and fair, and credible elections.


2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.


Author(s):  
M.L. LEBEDEVA

The purpose of writing this article is to highlight the features of organization of the regional policy in France on the basis of the theoretical understanding of the concepts of regional policy, model of regional policy and policy analogy. The research topic is the content of the French policy of organizing a regional political space. The object of the research is the power technologies of regional policy. The systemstructural method, which considers political relations as an integral system of interconnections of phenomena and events of the political process, makes it possible to determine the main essential content of this research topic. Institutional approach involves the study of political institutions and their content. An analysis of Russian and foreign sources suggests that the main issue posed in the article is relevant at the present stage of development. The study is made possible on the basis of existing research. A comprehensive study of the conceptual theoretical characteristics of the regional policy as such allowed the author to identify the model and features of the political toolkit for the organization of thecenterregions relations in modern French Republic.


Author(s):  
Shaun Bowler

This chapter analyzes to what extent variation in political institutions affects political support. The chapter observes that the existing research is not always clear on which institutions should produce what kind of effect, although a general expectation is that institutional arrangements improve political support when they give citizens an increased sense of connection to the political process. In general then, we should expect institutions that strengthen the quality of representation to strengthen political support. This general expectation is specified in six hypotheses that are tested using data from the ESS 2012. The chapter demonstrates that electoral systems that provide voters with more choice about candidates, multiparty governments, and “responsive” legislatures, correlate positively with political support. However, compared to other macro-level factors and individual characteristics, the effects of political institutions on political support are modest. The chapter concludes that the prospects for institutional reform to strengthen political support are limited.


2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salvador Martí i Puig ◽  
Macià Serra

ABSTRACTThe aim of this article is to analyze three key issues in current Nicaraguan politics and in the political debate surrounding hybrid regimes: de-democratization, political protest, and the fall of presidencies. First, it analyzes the process of de-democratization that has been taking place in Nicaragua since 2000. It shows that the 2008 elections were not competitive but characteristic of an electoral authoritarian regime. Second, it reflects on the kind of regime created in Nicaragua under Daniel Ortega’s mandate, focusing on the system’s inability to process any kind of protest and dissent. Third, it examines the extent to which the protests that broke out in April 2018 may predict the early end to Ortega’s presidency, or whether Nicaragua’s political crisis may lead to negotiations between the government and the opposition.


2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.


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