scholarly journals CRIMINAL LEGAL POLICY AND UNCONSTITUTIONALITY ON CONTEMPT OF RULER OR PUBLIC BODY

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Muhammad Reza Winata ◽  
Erlina M. C. Sinaga ◽  
Sharfina Sabila ◽  
Rizkisyabana Yulistyaputri

Contempt of ruler or public body are criminal offence which stipulated in article 207 and 208 Penal Code of Indonesia. In practice, there is legal uncertainty because substantially contradict to Constitutional Court Decision No.013-022/PUU-IV/2006 about contempt of President/ Vice President and No. 6/PUU-V/2007 about contempt of Indonesia Government. This paper wants to found criminal legal policy and constitutionality on contempt of ruler or public body. The research method used is juridical normative with regulation, doctrinal, and decision approaches. The result of study shows changes of criminal law policy on contempt of ruler or public body based on comparison of current Penal Code and future Penal Code Draft with changes elements of formulation: (1) suspect; (2) intention; (3) victim; (4) sanction; (5) impact of action, the norms also transform from general offence to complaint offense. Next, analysis to Constitutional Court decisions about contempt of President/Vice President and Indonesia Government which declared null and void, found related legal reasoning: First, violate freedom of expression; Second, violate right to get information; Third, causing legal uncertainty; Fourth, no longer suitable with society development; Fifth, changes in norms on Criminal Code Draft; Sixth; follow previous decision; Seventh, against universal value in international law. Then, the constitutional interpretation methods used in the decisions are: (1) Ethical Interpretation; (2) Historical Interpretation; (3) Futuristic Interpretation; (4) Doctrinal Interpretation. Therefore, according on similar legal reasoning and constitutional interpretation, article 207 and 208 Penal Code also supposed to be stated unconstitutional.

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-114
Author(s):  
Adhya Satya Bangsawan

This article discusses the legal reasoning used by the Indonesian Constitutional Court in its Decision No. 013-022/PUU-IV/2006. The object of the constitutionality review is Article 134, 136 bis, and 137 of the Indonesian Criminal Code which contained the ban of insult action toward the president/vice president. Those norms have been declared null and void based on the argument that those norms were not criminal acts. Hence, this article stresses that the annulment of those norms may give negative legal consequences toward the protection of president/vice president’s dignity. Freedom of speech is categorized as a right of expression in which its performance is undertaken restrictively. This article argues that the ban of insult action toward the president/vice president is a constitutional limitation to the freedom of speech. The status of president/vice president shall not be considered as equal with ordinary people since the president/vice president is the head of state and also the symbol of the state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-234
Author(s):  
Lidya Suryani Widyati

Decision of the Constitutional Court No. 013-022/PUU-IV/2006, stated that Article 134, Article 136 bis, and Article 137 of the Criminal Code on the defamation against the President or Vice President do not have binding power or in other are not valid. The Court considered that these Articles may create legal uncertainty, inhibit the right to freedom of expression of mind, spoken, written, and any expression and may also irrelevant to apply in Indonesia which upholds human rights. However, the Criminal Code Bill, of 2015, has re-set (criminalization) the act as a criminal offense that sparing off intense debate. This study does not examine the pros and cons debate on the re-setting issue of defamation against the President or Vice President as criminal offense in the Criminal Code Bill, but examines the issue from the point of criminalization policy. The analysis of the criminalization policy concludes that this crime need not be regulated. It is in contradictory to the Constitution, especially regarding the protection of human rights for every citizen. The explanation of this Article does not clearly state the logic and reason behind the article on defamation against the President or Vice President. AbstrakPutusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 013-022/PUU-IV/2006, menyatakan bahwa Pasal 134, Pasal 136 bis, dan Pasal 137 Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Pidana (KUHP) tentang tindak pidana penghinaan terhadap Presiden atau Wakil Presiden tidak lagi mempunyai kekuatan mengikat atau dengan kata lain sudah tidak berlaku lagi. Dalam pertimbangannya, Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) menilai bahwa Pasal-Pasal ini dapat menimbulkan ketidakpastian hukum, menghambat hak atas kebebasan menyatakan pikiran, dengan lisan, tulisan, dan ekspresi, dan sudah tidak relevan lagi untuk diterapkan di Indonesia yang menjunjung tinggi hak asasi manusia. Namun, Rancangan Undang-Undang (RUU) KUHP tahun 2015, mengatur kembali perbuatan tersebut sebagai tindak pidana sehingga menimbulkan perdebatan berbagai pihak. Tulisan ini tidak mengkaji mengenai perdebatan pro dan kontra atas dirumuskannya kembali substansi tentang penghinaan terhadap Presiden atau Wakil Presiden dalam RUU KUHP, melainkan mengkajinya dari sudut kebijakan kriminalisasi. Analisis dari kebijakan kriminalisasi menyimpulkan bahwa tindak pidana ini tidak perlu diatur lagi karena bertentangan dengan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 (UUD NRI Tahun 1945), terutama dalam hal jaminan atas Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) bagi setiap warga negara. Penjelasan Pasal RUU KUHP yang merumuskan tindak pidana penghinaan terhadap Presiden atau Wakil Presiden tersebut tidak menyebutkan secara jelas kepentingan apa yang ada di balik pengaturan penghinaan terhadap Presiden atau Wakil Presiden.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-86
Author(s):  
Endang Nur Ulfah

Kitab Undang-undang Hukum Pidana atau biasa disebut dengan KUHP adalah warisan kolonial Belanda yang diberlakukan di Indonesia melalui asas konkordasi dan disahkan melalui UU Nomor 1 Tahun 1946 serta diberlakukan untuk umum melalui UU Nomor 73 Tahun 1958. Artinya, KUHP yang sedang berlaku bukan terbentuk sesuai dengan karakteristik masyarakat Indonesia meskipun ada penyesuaian, itu dianggap tidak cukup. Karena itu, pembaruan KUHP secara universal juga perlu dilaksanakan agar kontras dengan bangsa Indonesia. Pengajuan permohonan uji materiil terhadap pasal dalam KUHP dengan Nomor Perkara 46/PUU-XIV/2016 merupakan gambaran bahwa pembaruan KUHP juga dikehendaki oleh masyarakat banyak. Artikel ini dibuat bertujuan untuk menggambarkan betapa lapuknya KUHP dan memberikan pengetahuan kepada pihak yang berkepentingan untuk menyegerakan pembaruan. Metode pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini melalui tiga tahap. Pertama, wawancara dengan ahli yaitu peneliti-peneliti MK RI. Kedua, studi kepustakaan untuk memperkuat jarum analisis betapa urgennya suatu pembaruan. Ketiga, obserasi yang dilakukan selama proses persidangan perkara. Salah satu kewenangan Mahkamah konstitusi adalah menguji Undang-Undang terhadap Undang-undang Dasar. Dalam permohonan tersebut, Pasal 284 ayat (1), (2), (3), (4), (5), Pasal 285, dan Pasal 292 KUHP menggambarkan bahwa betapa pentingnya pembaruan KUHP karena keidaksesuaian ruh yang ada didalamnya. Pasal-pasal tersebut dipandang sudah sangat urgen untuk diubah. Pembaruan KUHP secara universal sangat urgen untuk disegerakan karena ini dapat menjadi faktor kriminogen bagi masyarakat dan dapat mencederai rasa keadilan. Harapannya Mahkamah Konstitusi dapat menjawab kebutuhan masyarakat tentang suatu hukum yang benar-benar hidup dalam masyarakat.The Penal Code or commonly called KUHP is the Dutch colonial legacy that prevailed in Indonesia through the principle of concordance and legalized with The Constitusion No. 1 of 1946 and enacted for the public through The Constitution No. 73 of 1958. Its means, Criminal Code that are applicable not formed by the characteristics of Indonesian society although there was an adjustment, it was not enough. Therefore, the universally Criminal Code reform should be carried out to contrast with the nation of Indonesia. The submission of judicial review of the clause of the Criminal Code with Case No. 46 / PUU-XIV / 2016 is a representation that reformation of Criminal Code is also desired by many people. This report aims to describe how old the Criminal Code is and provide the knowledge to interested parties to hasten the reform.The method of collecting data in this report through three stages. First, interviews with experts that researchers in The Constitutional Court of Indonesia. Second, the study of literature to strengthen a needle analysis of how the urgency of reform. Third, observation that committed during court proceedings.The one of authority of the Constitutional Court is reviewing the Constitution. In the petition, Article 284 paragraph (1), (2), (3), (4), (5), Article 285 and Article 292 illustrates how important reform the Penal Code because there is unsuittable spirit inside. Such articles deemed to have been very urgent to be changed. Reformation Penal Code universally is very urgent to be expedited because this can be a kriminogen factors for society and can injure the sense of justice. Hopefully the Constitutional Court can answer the necessary of community on a law that actually live in the community.


2021 ◽  
pp. 125-145
Author(s):  
Andrés Gascón Cuenca

Despite the general consensus about freedom of expression being a basic fundamental right on every democratic society, the debate about its boundaries has never found such a pacific agreement. Thus, the Spanish Penal Code has several articles that punish its abuse that are highly contested, like articles 490.3 and 543 that penalize the offenses directed towards national symbols or State representatives. This being so, this article examines the controversy generated by the application of this articles through the analysis of two judgements issued by the European Court of Human Rights against Spain, and a third one issued by the Spanish Constitutional Court that could follow the same path. This work will be done to describe the clash that exists between the caselaw of these two jurisdictions, in order to critically analyze the approach Spanish courts have to behaviors that criticize national symbols and state representatives.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-253
Author(s):  
Prianter Jaya Hairi

In 2017, Constitutional Court has received three calls for judicial reviews regarding treachery (makar) article in the Criminal Code. These articles deemed to be contradicting with the principle of legal certainty and freedom of expression. This study analyzes the important issue that is being debate in those judicial reviews. One of those is about the argument which says that the absence of the definition of treachery in the Criminal Code has caused a violation of legal certainty. Besides, the rule of treachery in the Criminal Code has also considered to have caused a violation of freedom of expression which has been guaranteed by Constitution. Analysis shows that the absence of treachery definition in the Criminal Code is not something that instantly becomes a problem in its application that causing the loss of legal certainty. Law enforcer, especially judge, in enforcing the rule of law must always use the method of law interpretation which appropriate with legal norm. With systematic interpretation, treachery can be interpreted according to the sentence of the rule as a unity of the legal system. In this case, the term treachery as regulated in Article 87 of the Criminal Code can be systematically interpreted as the basis for Article 104-Article 108 of the Criminal Code, Article 130 of the Criminal Code, and Article 140 of the Criminal Code which regulates various types of treason and their respective legal sanctions for the perpetrators. Further, on the argument that the articles of treachery in the Criminal Code also can not necessarily be said to limit the freedom of expression, because every citizen’s freedom has limitation, including the limitation of law and human rights. AbstrakPada tahun 2017, Mahkamah Konstitusi telah menerima tiga kali judicial reviewterhadap pasalpasal tindak pidana makar dalam Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Pidana (KUHP). Pasal-pasal ini dipandang bertentangan dengan prinsip kepastian hukum dan kebebasan berekspresi. Tulisan ini menganalisis substansi yang menjadi perdebatan dalam perkara judicial review tersebut. Di antaranya perdebatan mengenai tidak adanya definisi istilah makar dalam KUHP yang menyebabkan persoalan kepastian hukum. Selain itu, pengaturan tindak pidana makar dalam KUHP juga dinilai melanggar kebebasan berekspresi yang telah dijamin oleh konstitusi. Analisis terhadap persoalanpersoalan tersebut menunjukkan bahwa ketiadaan definisi kata “makar” dalam KUHP bukanlah merupakan sesuatu yang serta merta langsung menjadi persoalan dalam penerapannya sehingga menyebabkan hilangnya kepastian hukum. Penegak hukum, terutama hakim, dalam menegakkan peraturan hukum selalu menggunakan metode penafsiran hukum yang sesuai dengan kaidah ilmu hukum. Dengan penafsiran sistematis, makar dapat dimaknai sesuai kalimat dari peraturan sebagai suatu kesatuan sistem hukum. Dalam hal ini, istilah makar yang diatur dalam Pasal 87 KUHP, secara sistematis dapat ditafsirkan sebagai dasar bagi Pasal 104-Pasal 108 KUHP, Pasal 130 KUHP, dan Pasal 140 KUHP yang mengatur tentang jenis makar beserta sanksi hukumnya masing-masing bagi para pelakunya. Selain itu, mengenai argumen bahwa pasal-pasal makar dalam KUHP berpotensi melanggar HAM dan dipandang bertentangan dengan konstitusi dapat dikatakan tidak beralasan. Sebab kebebasan HAM setiap orang tidak tanpa batas, di antaranya dibatasi nilai-nilai agama, keamanan, dan ketertiban umum.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-38
Author(s):  
Robinsius Asido Putra Nainggolan

The reform of criminal law in Indonesia, which has become one of the discourses, is the Article regarding insults to the President and Vice President in the 2019 RUUKUHP. The government re-included several articles of insulting the president in the Draft Criminal Code formulation, which the Constitutional Court deleted through Decision Number: 013.022/PUU IV/2006. So the problem in this research is how the policy formulation of offense against the President and Vice President is following the formulation of the RUUKUHP and how the comparison of articles on insulting the President and Vice President in the formulation of the Draft Criminal Code with the Constitutional Court Judge Decision No: 013.022/PUU IV/2006. The research method used is juridical normative based on secondary data through library research data collection and data analysis. The discussion results show that the policy for the formulation of offense against the President/Vice President following the formulation of the RUUKUHP is an effort to provide legal protection to the President/Vice President as a symbol in state life. Comparing articles regarding insults to the President and Vice President in the formulation of the RUUKUHP with the Constitutional Court Decision No: 013.022/PUUIV/2006 have both similarities and differences.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Mohamed A. Arafa

Case No.8 of 1996 is a landmark decision of the Egyptian Supreme Constitutional Court (“SCC”) and represents one of the most significant judicial rulings of a structural remedy for the interpretation of Article 2 of Egypt 2014 Constitution. The jurisprudence of the SCC is essential to advance a moderate (liberal), rights-protecting interpretation of Sharie‘a. In this case, the SCC held that a rule on face-veiling in public schools is compatible not only with Islamic law, but with certain human rights guaranteed by the Constitution:, as freedom of expression and freedom of religion. This decision dealt with the SCC’s view on Islamic ijtihad (legal reasoning), and, gives insight into the Court’s views on civil and political rights context.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
. Suparto

In judicial review on Article 9 of Law No. 42 of 2008 on Election of President and Vice-President which regulates presidential threshold, the Constitutional Court declined it since it is an open legal policy mandated by Article 6 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution that the administration of President and Vice-President election will be further regulated in a Law. This reason is deemed insufficient as the Article 6 paragraph (5) regulates procedures (phases of the process), not requirements for candidates of President and Vice President to be eligible on participating in the election. Moreover, Article 9 of Law No. 42 of 2008 potentially expands the norms as stipulated in Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution in which the candidates for President and Vice President shall be nominated by a political party or coalition of political parties participating in the election prior to the election without any other frills (the threshold).The term presidential threshold that is being used up until now is actually incorrect term; instead, presidential candidacy threshold should be considered as the more appropriate term.Keywords: Presidential Election, Presidential threshold, Constitutional Court Verdict.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eddy Rifai

This research uses normative juridical approach to study on the analysis of the death penalty executions and the legal policy of death executions in Indonesia. There are delays on death executions for the convicted person since they entitled to using rights namely filing a judicial review (PK/Peninjauan Kembali). Furthermore, the legal loophole in the execution of the death penalty by the publication of the Constitutional Court Number 107 / PUU-XIII / 2015 which assert that the Attorney as the executor can ask the convicted person or his family whether to use their rights or not if the convict clearly does not want to use his rights, the executions will be carried out. Legal policy on threats and the implementation of the death penalty in the draft of criminal code was agreed by draftsman of the bill with the solutions. The draftsman of the bill agrees that the death penalty will be an alternative punishment sentenced as a last resort to protect the society. The bill also regulates that the execution among others include that the execution can be delayed by ten years probations. If the public reaction on the convict is not too large or convict has regret and could fix it or the role in the crime is not very important and there is a reason to reduce punishment, the death penalty may be changed. For pregnant women and the mentally ill convicts the execution can only be carried after the birth and the person has recovered from mental illness. The existence of this solutions is still kept putting the death penalty in criminal law, whereas the effectiveness of the death penalty is scientifically still in doubt to solve crimes and to prevent crimes by the death penalty punishment.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Lutfil Ansori

This paper aims to examine the presidential threshold in relation to the simultaneous general elections 2019. After the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14/PUU-XI/ 2013 which mandates the general election simultaneously raises the pros and cons of setting the presidential threshold. In the constitutional perspective, using or not using the presidential threshold is not contrary to the constitution, because the presidential threshold is an open legal policy of the legislator. The legislators need to rethink the provisions of the presidential threshold especially in relation to the simultaneous elections, taking into account the advantages and disadvantages of applying or abolishing the presidential threshold, in order for the purpose of strengthening the presidential system to be achieved. The existence of simultaneous general elections has substantially eliminated the provisions of the presidential threshold, so the threshold requirement to nominate the President and Vice President becomes irrelevant. However, if the legislators demand presidential threshold, the middle path that can be selected is to apply the presidential threshold by using the legislative election 2014 with a record of institutionalizing the coalition.


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