A Panoramic View of the UK Relations with the EU and Turkey Post-Brexit

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Summer 2021) ◽  
pp. 53-66
Author(s):  
Aslıhan Yördem Atik

In the last century, the importance of foreign trade, particularly net exports of goods and services, in achieving balanced and high-quality economic growth has become increasingly apparent. This certainly applies to Turkey. For example, the Eleventh Development Plan prepared for the 2019-2023 period was determined within the framework of a stable, export-based growth model, in which the industrial sector played a dominant role, focusing on productivity. Recently, the new trade regime between Turkey and the United Kingdom after Brexit has been included among the subjects within the agenda of Turkish foreign trade. The present study aims to find the preliminary clues to understand the extent of the recent trade agreement between two countries, which share deep-rooted trade links, in light of the new UK-EU deal. While one of these countries does not want to lose its position as a candidate country, despite the obstacles and disagreements posed by the EU in the negotiation mechanism, the other has managed to leave the EU as a result of a very intense and complex process, that lasted approximately thirty-four months.

Subject UK and EU trade policy. Significance The United Kingdom’s departure from the EU will affect both the EU’s economic importance and its ability to realise trade objectives. The impact of the rupture will be greater still for the United Kingdom, which has to develop a trade policy from scratch and reconstruct its trading relationships with scores of countries in addition to the EU. Impacts Rules of origin mean that some UK firms will lose access to foreign markets even where London has concluded a replacement trade agreement. EU and UK demand for imports from the rest of the world will be reduced by the economic impact of Brexit and COVID-19 disruption. Replacing EU trade agreements with third countries will take longer for the UK government because COVID-19 will take priority.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
C M Armand de Mestral

Abstract Canada’s trade relations with the UK have been governed by the CETA since the signature of that agreement with the EU in October 2016. Subsequent to the decision of the UK electorate to leave the EU, it became necessary to envisage the creation of a new trade agreement directly between the UK and Canada. Initially, the Government of Canada indicated a willingness to negotiate a new trade agreement with the UK as quickly as possible. But, as the future relationship of the UK to the EU became increasingly uncertain, the Government of Canada decided to hold back until greater clarity could be obtained. As of July 2020, Canada was still waiting. The future trade agreement will reflect the desire of both countries to maintain their long-standing and close relationship. Both have strong interests in trade and investment with the other and both will seek to reinforce these interests. The particular concerns of both countries are outlined in this paper and the outlines of a future trade agreement are set out. In conclusion, the author suggests that it would be in the interests of the UK, rather than seeking simply a bilateral agreement, to seek to negotiate an Atlantic Free Trade Agreement, thereby clarifying its relations not simply with Canada but with all of Europe and North America.


Author(s):  
Т. M. Bulakh ◽  
О. A. Ivashchenko ◽  
L. O. Plakhotnikova

Presently, Ukraine is highly integrated into the global economic area and maintains foreign trade relations with more than 200 countries. The European Union (EU) is one of the most important foreign trade partners of Ukraine. Therefore, the analysis of Ukraine’s foreign trade is important for taking effective management decisions and promoting reasonable changes in the economic policy. The article analyzes the state and trends of Ukraine’s foreign trade with the EU. Its features and dynamics are revealed. The changes in the structure of exports and imports of Ukraine after the signing of the Free Trade Agreement are as follows: export values reaching the pre-crisis level of 2014; the sustained dominance of agricultural and food industry products; the commodity structure of exports could be diversified; imports of goods to Ukraine from the EU in 2012–2017 decreased at a slower pace than the total imports of goods to Ukraine; after a negative trend in 2012–2015, the imports increased by 3658.5 million USD in 2017, signaling that the imports to Ukraine from the EU were recovering at a faster pace than the Ukrainian exports to the EU; the balance of foreign trade in goods between Ukraine and the EU for the period of the study was negative. Measures to improve the development of foreign trade of Ukraine in the context of deepening European integration processes are proposed: to increase the support for national producers;  to intensify export cooperation with the EU member states with which Ukraine has a negative balance; to attract exporters from non-EU countries to locate production facilities on the territory of Ukraine with the prospects of their exports to European markets; to introduce uniform standards of certification and standardization of products in Ukraine; to develop a strategy to increase exports of nationally produced goods and services to EU markets and reduce imports to Ukraine; to intensify cooperation with the EU on issues of import substitution in Ukraine.


Subject UK-US trade talks. Significance The first round of virtual UK-US free trade negotiations began on Tuesday May 5 and conclude today. While a free trade agreement (FTA) with the United States is a stated priority for the UK government, it will be difficult to conclude a comprehensive deal this year, in particular due to divisions over agrifood and medicine, while there is also not enough time. However, the chances of the United Kingdom and United States agreeing a deal narrower in scope than a fully-fledged FTA are higher. Impacts The main obstacles in reaching an FTA will be regulatory ones. It will be almost impossible for London to address regulatory obstacles with the United States without increasing them in trade with the EU. Washington knows an FTA is politically important for the Conservative government, giving it leverage to shape a favourable deal.


This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of the withdrawal agreement concluded between the United Kingdom and the European Union to create the legal framework for Brexit. Building on a prior volume, it overviews the process of Brexit negotiations that took place between the UK and the EU from 2017 to 2019. It also examines the key provisions of the Brexit deal, including the protection of citizens’ rights, the Irish border, and the financial settlement. Moreover, the book assesses the governance provisions on transition, decision-making and adjudication, and the prospects for future EU–UK trade relations. Finally, it reflects on the longer-term challenges that the implementation of the 2016 Brexit referendum poses for the UK territorial system, for British–Irish relations, as well as for the future of the EU beyond Brexit.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001573252110122
Author(s):  
Rupa Chanda ◽  
Neha Vinod Betai

In June 2016, the United Kingdom took the world by surprise with the results of its referendum on whether to remain in the European Union (EU). With a 52% majority, the country decided to leave the bloc in which it had been a member since 1973. With this outcome began the long process of Brexit negotiations between UK and the EU. The UK officially ceased to be an EU member on 31 January 2020, with a transition period up to the end of 2020. The decision to leave the EU came on the back of rising bitterness among people. Membership in the EU was seen as expensive and not beneficial to the country. One of the major campaigning points of the leave camp was the issue of immigration. Given that free movement of people is an important part of being in the EU, the party argued that leaving the EU would help the country take back control of its borders. Immigration in the UK has been on the rise since the early 2000s. It shot up further with the accession of the eight East European economies into the EU. Figure 1 shows how, leading up to Brexit, immigration from the EU to the UK was constantly increasing. JEL Codes: F00, F30, F22, F23


2020 ◽  
pp. 002201832097753
Author(s):  
Gemma Davies ◽  
Paul Arnell

The Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom have a long, close and difficult history. The most recent phase of which dates from 1998 and the conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement. Since 1921, however, there has been unique practice between Ireland and the UK as regards the transfer of accused and convicted persons from one to the other. Indeed, there has been a special and close relationship between the two in that regard; albeit one not without difficulties. In recent times EU Justice and Home Affairs measures and the Good Friday Agreement have supplemented and strengthened the relationship. These include, since January 2004, the European Arrest Warrant (EAW). The EAW has been particularly important in streamlining the extradition process between the Ireland and the UK. This phase of history and co-operation is coming to an end. The UK’s membership of the EU has now ceased, and a transition period during which the UK remains part of the EAW will end on 31st December 2020. The extradition relationship between the two is therefore facing a considerable challenge. There are several options open to Ireland, the UK and the EU as a replacement. Time, political will and the interests of third states, however, may well stand in the way of the conclusion of an agreement that optimally serves the interests of all parties and criminal justice. This paper considers the origins of extradition between the UK and Ireland and the alternative methods of extradition open to the UK and Ireland after Brexit. Consideration is given to the likely operation of a Norway-Iceland style agreement and whether such an agreement will be in place by the end of the transition and, if it was, whether its terms are likely to be sufficient for the needs of Ireland and the UK. The possibility of a bilateral arrangement on extradition between Ireland and the UK is also explored. Underlying the discussion is the critical point that the future extradition relationship must retain its ‘special’ characteristics, and therefore maintain the trust and good will that has developed over the years and given rise to an effective extradition relationship between the two countries. In other words, the lessons of history must be remembered.


Author(s):  
Aldona Zawojska

The article is a contribution to the discussion on the anticipated consequences of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union for Poland’s trade relations with this country, with particular emphasis on the likely impacts of a hard or no-deal Brexit on Polish exporters. Its aim is to provide readers with an understanding of how agri-food flows between Poland and the UK (especially Poland’s exports) could be affected once the UK departs the EU. The question is important considering that, in recent years, the UK has been the second biggest importer and a net importer of agricultural and food products from Poland. The study is based on trade data from the UN Comtrade Database and Poland’s Central Statistical Office, and on tariff data from the UK’s Department for International Trade. Taking into account the possible imposition of customs duties announced thus far by the British government on the import of agri-food products from third countries in the event of a no-trade agreement with the EU, the introduction of additional non-tariff barriers, as well as increased transactional (friction) costs and complexity of doing business with foreign partners, a hard Brexit would have serious implications for Poland’s fast growing agri-food exports to the UK. It would even lead to a collapse of some Polish supplies, particularly of meat and dairy commodities, to Great Britain. The loss of two-way preferences in trade now arising from participation in the EU single market will undermine the competitiveness of Polish producers on UK’s market both against British producers and lower cost exporters from outside the EU.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (127) ◽  
pp. 116-127
Author(s):  
O. Lytvyn

This article deals with the prospects, possible risks and threats of deep and comprehensive free trade area («FTA+») between Ukraine and the EU. Features of foreign economic activity of Ukraine within the framework of FTA with the CIS are also considered in the article. A detailed analysis of the foreign trade statement and regional pattern of exports and imports of Ukraine is presented for the last few years. The key difference between «FTA+» with the EU and classic free trade areas is determined. Risks of the external economic collaboration of Ukraine with the European countries are described after intensifying of the conflict between Ukraine and Russian Federation. Reasons of suspension of the Free trade agreement between Russia and Ukraine are marked. It operated within the framework of FTA with the CIS, trade and economic collaboration between the countries until the abolition of a free trade with Ukraine by Russian Federation. The consequences of the European technical and phytosanitary standards, substantial diminishing of export and import duties and measures related to the preparation of internal market to «FTA+» are analysed for Ukraine. The form of «FTA+» is found out, which foresees the reduction and liquidation of trade barriers within the framework of a free trade regime. It doesn’t deal only with liberalization of bilateral commodity trade but such spheres, as: trade in services, regime of foreign direct investment, public purchasing and labour force movement. The form of «FTA+» also foresees a wide adaptation program of economic and sectoral legislation of Ukraine to the norms and standards of the EU that will allow removing of nontariff barriers for domestic exports to internal market of the EU.


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