scholarly journals Political Opposition in Turkey: An Analysis of the Oppositionist Styles of Necip Fazil Kisakurek and Nazim Hikmet Ran

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 269
Author(s):  
Hazan Güler

Opposition culture in a society gives important clues about the socio-political structure of the country. The more a country welcomes differences in its social, political and cultural life; the more it comes close to a democratic regime. Opposition in Turkey, in its long history, has always been problematic because of the domination of statism not only in politics but also in other fields, such as social and cultural areas. In general perception of Turkey, separating from the central opinion has always been equal to chaos, which prevents the development of opposition cult in socio-political life. Supporting the refusal of opposition through some religious factors, Turkish political culture, starting with the Ottoman period, has settled such a limited understanding that it doesn’t allow an ideal form of opposition to grow. However it is known that political opposition, if practiced well, can help a political structure to renew itself, to continue development, to have a dynamic management and to reflect the preferences of people as many as possible. All these important points bring the necessity to analyse the social and political opposition culture in Turkey deeply. Therefore this study first tries to take attention to the understanding of importance of opposition culture in the eyes of politics and society. By analysing striking actors in Turkish literature Necip Fazil Kısakurek and Nazim Hikmet, the study aims to underline how the perception of opposition gave harm to political and social development of the country. By the way, this analysis reveals the need for a better understanding and practice of opposition culture for further developments in Turkey. The study starts with a general theoretical framework of opposition; in which the definition and scope of political opposition, different types and importance of opposition culture are explained. In the second part, Turkish political culture and the way it perceives the idea of opposition is revealed from a historical perspective. At the last part Kisakurek and Hikmet, who were the men of letters touching Turkish politics by their poems and proses, are analysed. Seeing similar processes of the two, who had in real completely different ideological backgrounds, the holistic structure of state mechanism against all kinds of differences is to be illustrated.

Urban Studies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phil Hubbard

Sex and related questions of sexual reproduction and coupling have been an important focus for the social sciences since the 1960s and 1970s when sociologists, gay activists, and feminists first began to argue that sexuality is socially constructed, and not innate. The discipline of urban studies adds to such accounts by demonstrating that sexuality is also spatially constructed, with peoples’ sexual identities and desires influenced in various ways their upbringing, surroundings, and neighbourhood of residence in the city. Additionally, it brings to the fore the idea that cities offer more freedom than traditional rural communities in terms of possible sexual lifestyles, with larger cities exhibiting a diverse range of sexualized spaces (e.g., adult entertainment centers, sex clubs, gay bars, brothels) which act as the focus for sometimes niche sexual practices and identities. The way these different sexualities are made visible (or not) in the cityscape is revealing of the way these sexualities are regarded as either ‘normal’ or in some way ‘deviant.’ This noted, the study of sexuality in urban studies has generally been eclipsed by more traditional preoccupations with class and race. However, there has been gradual—if sometimes grudging—acknowledgment that questions of sex and sexuality matter when addressing the complexity of urban processes. This is most obvious in those studies of lesbian, gay, and bisexual life which have honed in on the importance of specific neighborhoods in LGBTQ life. Here studies of LGBTQ residence in a range of Western cities (notably San Francisco, New York, Berlin, Sydney, and Amsterdam, but also some smaller cities and towns including Provincetown, US and Hebden Bridgem UK) highlighted the importance of neighborhood spaces in the social, economic, and political life of those whose lives fall outside the heterosexual ‘norm.’ In time, the realization that many of these spaces of residence were also key sites of gentrification helped to bring the investigation of sexuality into dialogue with unfolding debates in urban and regional studies about the role of culture and lifestyle in driving processes of capital accumulation. Beyond the explication of changing LGBTQ residential geographies, ‘queer theory’ has also contributed to urban studies by foregrounding the importance of LGBTQ sexual identities and practices in processes such as global city migration, city branding, and urban tourism, engaging with debates on urban encounter, race, and gender in the process. Although still small in number, studies have also begun to explore the way that different heterosexualities are distributed across the public and private city, from the quiet spaces of suburbia to the ‘hot’ adult entertainment districts where varied—and sometimes criminalized—sexual pleasures can be bought and sold. In all of this there is an increasing focus on the mediated nature of sexuality, based on the understanding that urban sexual encounters and relationships are often arranged or conducted in the online realm via dating apps and platform technologies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-583
Author(s):  
Işıl Zeynep Turkan İpek

Political socialisation has been studied from different perspectives, such as voting behaviour, the impact of social networks, socialisation types and political culture on voting as well as engagement in political life. This article examines the political socialisation patterns and participation of high-skilled Turkish migrants living in different parts of the world. The main purpose is to shed light on the ways in which these migrants participate in Turkish politics; how much they are engaged or interested in Turkish politics; and how their socialisation patterns are formed. The results show that Turkish high-skilled migrants have a strong interest in Turkish politics; however, their political socialisation and engagement, except for voting, is low. In this article, it is pointed out that there is a strong relationship between the level of education and political participation as well as interest in politics. The data (N=350) were collected by an online survey conducted among Turkish migrants, who had at least a university degree and were living abroad at the time of the survey.


2016 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-140
Author(s):  
John M. Warner ◽  
James R. Zink

AbstractFor nearly half a century democratic citizens have been preoccupied with the search for self-respect. Though classical liberalism places this question outside its purview and many commentators see in such a concern evidence of a “thin-skinned” political culture, John Rawls has recently provided serious arguments for the political relevance of self-respect. These arguments, we claim, are deeply indebted to the social and political theory of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, whose deep albeit underexamined influence on Rawls shows itself both in Rawls's conception of the social problem as well as in his solution to it. Rawls's belief that the provision of self-respect can solve the social problem is uniquely Rousseauan not only because of its emphasis on equality but also because it suggests political life can and must reconcile the conflicts between self and society at a fundamental level.


2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-24
Author(s):  
Mihaela Culea

In his novella The Uncommon Reader (2006/2008) English writer Alan Bennett (1934 – ) fictionally depicts the way in which one of the most prestigious institutions of Britishness, Queen Elizabeth II (1952 – ), turns from a highly institutionalized symbol into a real person and a very uncommon reader. The article explores Bennett’s fictional reconsideration of common myths connected to the British monarchy, a process which is activated by the Queen’s new fondness for reading. The paper develops a possible reinterpretation of these myths, seeking to prove that Bennett’s fictional exercise also sparks off the reflection of a number of common public concerns connected to the British monarchy and its position in relation to the social, economic or political life of contemporary Britain.


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-94
Author(s):  
Maizar Karim

Syair Mambang Jauhari (Mambang Jauhari verse) is one of the traditional Malay Literacy works. The components built in  SMJ indicate closed and functional relationship. The components of rhythm, rhyme, line, and couplet function to struggle narrative structure and total meaning of the text for the society. The components of plot, background, point of view, form, theme, message, and integration have capacity to organize, form and maintain the relationships among the components inducing integration, strong structure, and meaning in the SMJ. The most dominant meaning of SMJ is that in creating the harmony in life, it is better to start from creating the micro-cosmos harmony among individuals and continue to macro-cosmos involving harmony in the social life, cultural life, political life, harmony in economic life, and in defense.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Ahmad Afandi

Tulisan ini menggambarkan tentang terjadinya peristiwa G 30 septemberyang sempat mengguncang kehidupan politik Indonesia yang berakibat pula terhadap kehidupan sosial, ekonomi dan budaya masyarakat Indonesia, khususnya di Daerah Nusa Tenggara Barat yaitu Desa Labuhan Haji Kecamatan Labuhan Haji Kabupaten Lombok Timur ikut merasakan dampak dari peristiwa G 30 september tahun 1965. Sebelum terjadinya G 30 September masyarakat Labuhan Haji pernah melakukan hubungan sosial, ekonomi dan budaya dengan Etnis Cina, hubungan tersebut tidak berjalan lama, pada tahun 1965 para pengusaha Cina diusir secara paksa oleh masyarakat Lombok, karena dianggap sebagai antek PKI, hal ini disebabkan karena di Negara Cina berkembang partai Komunis. Karena adanya peristiwa G 30 september tahun 1965 para pengusaha Cina yang ada di Desa Labuhan Haji di curigai   sebagai   antek   PKI   dan   diusir   dari   daerah   Labuhan   Haji   yang mengakibatkan terpuruknya kehidupan masyarakat Labuhan Haji dan sekitarnya khususnya masyarakat Desa Labuhan Haji. This paper describes the occurrence of the events of G 30 September which had shook the Indonesian political life that also affected the social, economic and cultural life of Indonesian people, especially in West Nusa Tenggara, Labuhan Haji, Labuhan Haji Sub-District, East Lombok Regency, felt the impact of the September 30, 1965 G. events. September Labuhan Haji community once conducted social, economic and cultural relations with the Ethnic Chinese, the relationship did not go long, in 1965 Chinese businessmen were forcibly expelled by Lombok society, because it is considered as PKI's henchman, this is because in the developing Chinese Party Communist. Because of the events of G 30 September 1965 the Chinese businessmen in Labuhan Haji Village were suspected of being PKI's henchmen and expelled from Labuhan Haji area which resulted in the decline of Labuhan Haji and surrounding communities, especially the people of Labuhan Haji Village.


The relevance of this article is due to the growing role of young people in the political life of Russia and in the transformation of the social, political and economic spheres. Young people are the moving force behind all major processes in any country. Concerning Russia, it should be noted that young people make up a third of the population. The way the problems of Russian youth will be solved will determine the current vitality and future of the country. The practice of the last decades convincingly proves that in the rapidly changing world, those countries that can effectively form and productively use the innovative development potential, the main carrier of which is young people, will have strategic advantages.


1989 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Jordan ◽  
Nicholas Rogers

In recent years historians have significantly broadened the parameters of popular politics in the eighteenth century to include the ceremonial and associational aspects of political life, what might be aptly described as popular political culture. Whereas the subject of popular politics was conventionally confined to the programmatic campaigns of post-1760 radicals and to the crucial but episodic phenomenon of popular disturbance, historians have become increasingly attentive to the anniversaries, thanksgivings, processions, and parades—to the realm of symbolism and ritual—that were very much a part of Georgian society. This cultural perspective has radically revised our notion of the “popular,” which can no longer be consigned unproblematically to the actions and aspirations of the subaltern classes but to the complex interplay of all groups that had a stake in the extraparliamentary terrain. It has also broadened our notion of the “political” beyond the confines of Parliament, the hustings, and even the press to include the theater of the street and the marketplace with their balladry, pageantry, and iconography, both ribald and solemn.Within this context, the theme of the admiral-as-hero in Georgian society will be explored by focusing on Admiral Edward Vernon, the most popular admiral of the mid-eighteenth century, and Horatio Nelson, whose feats and flamboyance are better known. Of particular interest is the way in which their popularity was ideologically constructed and exploited at home. This might seem an unorthodox position to take. Naval biographers have assumed that the popularity of admirals flowed naturally and spontaneously from their spectacular victories and exemplary feats of valor. This may be taken as a truism. But it does not entirely explain their appeal.


Rusin ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 55-75
Author(s):  
J. Coranič ◽  

The second bishop of Prešov, Jozef Gaganec is one of the greatest figures in the history of the Greek Catholic Eparchy of Prešov. During his tenure (1843–1875), Bishop Gaganec successfully continued the work of his predecessor, Bishop Tarkovič. He took upon himself a task of firmly establishing the eparchy and securing its future development and prosperity in the mid-19th century. He ensured its organizational stability, financial provision, and pastoral unity. Bishop Gaganec governed his eparchy in very uncertain and complicated times (revolution of 1848–1849, poor harvests, famines, emigration, etc.) that significantly affected his episcopacy. He made every effort to alleviate the social impacts that this period brought upon both the clergy and regular folks. Bishop Gaganec got involved in ecclesiastical and religious reforms, for instance, he introduced a strict liturgical order in the eparchy. He also channelled his effort into improving the religious life of the clergy and congregation. He strongly promoted cultural and publishing activities, which he considered vital for a spiritual life of his flock. Bishop Gaganec participated in almost all cultural activities of Greek Catholics and largely contributed to the establishment of many cultural institutions in the Prešov and Mukachevo eparchies. He also played an important role in the national and political life of Greek Catholic Rusins during and after the revolutionary years of 1848–1849. In appreciation of his many religious, cultural, and national activities, Bishop Gaganec was acknowledged by the Austrian emperor and the Roman Pontiff. He justly deserves the title “the Father of the Prešov Eparchy”.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Dr. Dharmapal B. Fulzele ◽  
Dr. P. D. Nimsarkar

This paper is an attempt to study the representation of socio-cultural life in Kamala Markandaya’s Bombay Tiger. Being a leading post-independent Indian novelist, Kamala Markandaya has candidly portrayed Indian social, cultural and political life through her novels. She has rightly reflected these aspects in the work Bombay Tiger. Her description of various aspects and dimensions of cultural life is not imaginary and based on some literature, but it is based on carefully observed traditions and depicted cultural values and ideas. Soon after the death of Kamala Markandaya her daughter Kim Oliver found a typewritten copy of her novel and it was published posthumously with the title ‘Bombay Tiger’ in 2008. Charles R. Larson, one of the close friends of Markandaya and Professor of Literature, American University, Washington, DC has written an introduction to novel Bombay Tiger (2008) where he writes: Reading Bombay Tiger twenty years after Kamala Markandaya began writing the novel is a kind of revelation – especially for what it says about contemporary India” (Larson xii). Although Markandaya lived in abroad she kept in touch with the India. She actively read English newspapers which provided excellent coverage of occurrences in the commonwealth in general and India in particular. It has been rightly said that Kamala Markandaya’s “Sense of India was always extraordinarily vivid, filled with rich vitality, and imaginative in the way of all great writers (and especially novelists) who have been connected to place (Larson xii).


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