scholarly journals Sustainability of the state system in the context of digital transformation

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
V. A. Kornilovich ◽  
K. A. Aramyan ◽  
A. V. Milekhin ◽  
A. V. Mironov

The digital transformation of the structural components of the state system forms new socio-organizational forms and practices of political interaction. The transformation process is based on the dialectical overcoming of existing elements of the old order, the development of new goals and the formation of new specific ways to achieve them. As a result of the digital transformation of the structural components of the state system, new socio-organizational forms and practices of political interaction are being formed. Before our eyes, the transition of initially networked social formations into political offline processes is unfolding, new power resources and mechanisms of influence on the political organization as a whole are emerging in society. These processes relate to social self-organization and are characteristic of the adaptive algorithm of social changes. At the same time, changes in system parameters do not violate the contours of the existing state system. However, in the conditions of deliberate stimulation by the authorities of the digital transformation of all spheres of society’s life, the limited ability of the political system and the state to ensure the manageability of social and political processes is more clearly manifested.The article considers the process of deformation of the state system caused by the digitalization of public relations, analyses changes in theoretical models of explaining social reality and related changes in the organization of the political system and political practices.The multi-component nature of the impact of the global ICT paradigm on the sphere of public administration of a particular state is noted. In the era of the diversity of broadcast information, the dominance of the mass media and social networks, the public becomes a mass / crowd and an object of manipulation. The impact of information and communication technologies on the functioning of society is manifested in maintaining the gap between formal and informal institutions, intensive introduction of innovations, launching new mechanisms of social inequality, and the like, as a result, the integrity of the social system is violated. The risk of loss of manageability of social processes increases due to the fact that the recommendations for authorities on digital transformation, as well as most scientific publications on the topic of digitalization of public administration do not contain a critical assessment of the ICT paradigm itself and the concepts, concepts and practices formed on its basis.

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 595
Author(s):  
Kanaan Hamagharib Abdullah ◽  
Radwan Abubakr

     This study investigates the rentier economy and its impact on the political system. This study claims that the adoption of renter economy which leads to the emergence of political system which is not able to allow the accountability in any way. The inductive approach was employed to investigate the research argument. The research found that the state which relies on exporting natural resource to cover the public expenses tend to does not allow the accountability in government departments. In hence, the renter economy does not allow the political system to become democracy.


Author(s):  
Amélie Blom

This chapter focuses on the riot that took place in Lahore, Pakistan following the publication of the “Danish cartoons” on February 14, 2006. It shows the importance of emotions in the transition to violence by focusing on three levels of observation. At the micro (individual) level, one must articulate certain types of emotions to moral sentiments and specific frameworks of perception. At the meso level (the riotous crowd), the “emotional work” of the entrepreneurs of mobilization failed to stem the micro-conflicts that were playing in the crowd, and these entrepreneurs are to be seen in the wider context of everyday urban violence. Finally, at the macro level (the political system), the chapter highlights the need for a renewed interest in an aspect often neglected in studies on the impact dimension of social movements, namely the politics of emotions produced by the state.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetyana Nagornyak ◽  
Vasyl Buslenko

This article substantiates theoretical and methodological approaches regarding the impact of the power–opposition interrelations on strengthening and weakening of democracy. Based on the analysis of a number of indicators and modern political process in Poland, it has been established that democratisation takes place against the backdrop of the permanent formation and preservation of two opposed poles in the political space. Deflection from democracy increases the distance between two competing/conflicting parties – pro-government and opposition. This situation automatically accumulates the potential of pole's force. Therefore, the interrelations between the power and the opposition turn into the force of stratification and equalisation that allows reducing the "democracy deficit" and bring the political system into the state of equilibrium


Author(s):  
Anatolii Pavko

The purpose of this article is, based on the diverse political and legal heritage of the famous ancient Greek thinker and public figure Plato, domestic and foreign philosophical and political science literature, to reveal the methodological and conceptual approaches of the scientist to deep, creative understanding and solution of theoretical and practical problems of the state system and public administration and to show its significance for the development of modern effective models and forms of state formation in Ukraine. For two and a half thousand years, which separate us from the life and fruitful work of the great philosopher of ancient Greece, political science and the science of public administration have made significant adjustments to the Platonic model of the state, however, the urgent issues of the socio-political development of the Greek polis-states, the essence and meaning of which Plato pondered, are important, first of all, in the theoretical-methodological and ideological sense for modern researchers. The study used a set of logical methods (analysis, synthesis, inductive method), as well as general scientific approaches such as historical- genetic, dialectical, systemic-structural, biographical. The article provides a constructive and critical analysis of philosophical and political works of Plato, domestic and foreign socio-humanitarian literature on this issue, reveals the essence, components and features of the political concept of state system and public administration, which was formulated and comprehensively substantiated by the ancient Greek thinker. Its historical role, methodological and ideological significance for the modern state-building process in Ukraine are convincingly shown.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.


2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.


Author(s):  
Anatolii Petrovich Mykolaiets

It is noted that from the standpoint of sociology, “management — a function of organized systems of various nature — (technical, biological, social), which ensures the preservation of their structure, maintaining a certain state or transfer to another state, in accordance with the objective laws of the existence of this system, which implemented by a program or deliberately set aside”. Management is carried out through the influence of one subsystem-controlling, on the other-controlled, on the processes taking place in it with the help of information signals or administrative actions. It is proved that self-government allows all members of society or a separate association to fully express their will and interests, overcome alienation, effectively combat bureaucracy, and promote public self-realization of the individual. At the same time, wide direct participation in the management of insufficiently competent participants who are not responsible for their decisions, contradicts the social division of labor, reduces the effectiveness of management, complicates the rationalization of production. This can lead to the dominance of short-term interests over promising interests. Therefore, it is always important for society to find the optimal measure of a combination of self-management and professional management. It is determined that social representation acts, on the one hand, as the most important intermediary between the state and the population, the protection of social interests in a politically heterogeneous environment. On the other hand, it ensures the operation of a mechanism for correcting the political system, which makes it possible to correct previously adopted decisions in a legitimate way, without resorting to violence. It is proved that the system of social representation influences the most important political relations, promotes social integration, that is, the inclusion of various social groups and public associations in the political system. It is proposed to use the term “self-government” in relation to several levels of people’s association: the whole community — public self-government or self-government of the people, to individual regions or communities — local, to production management — production self-government. Traditionally, self-government is seen as an alternative to public administration. Ideology and practice of selfgovernment originate from the primitive, communal-tribal democracy. It is established that, in practice, centralization has become a “natural form of government”. In its pure form, centralization does not recognize the autonomy of places and even local life. It is characteristic of authoritarian regimes, but it is also widely used by democratic regimes, where they believe that political freedoms should be fixed only at the national level. It is determined that since the state has achieved certain sizes, it is impossible to abandon the admission of the existence of local authorities. Thus, deconcentration appears as one of the forms of centralization and as a cure for the excesses of the latter. Deconcentration assumes the presence of local bodies, which depend on the government functionally and in the order of subordination of their officials. The dependency of officials means that the leadership of local authorities is appointed by the central government and may be displaced.


Author(s):  
Tamar Hermann

In Israel, as in many other countries, the impact of public opinion on national policymaking has increased dramatically over the last few decades. In fact, public opinion has practically developed into one of the prime political inputs in Israel. This chapter argues that this increased impact, which could have contributed to improving the Israeli democracy, is in fact often undermined by the increasing overlapping of the main cleavages within Israel: between the political Right and Left, between Jews and Arabs, and between religious and secular Israelis. This extreme overlapping has severely eroded the national consensus and accelerated the emergence of deep disagreements in public opinion over strategic issues, such as the nature of the state (Jewish? Democratic?), the main challenges facing the nation (including the best way of dealing with the protracted Israeli–Palestinian conflict), and the desired collective future.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.


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