scholarly journals The League of Nations and the Position of Russian Emigrants in Poland in the 20–30s of the ХХ Century

Thousands of undocumented refugees appeared on the territory of European states. The most tragic of their situation was that they were deprived of any international and diplomatic protection. In this situation, only the League of Nations was able to become the guarantor of the rights and freedoms of stateless persons. In August 1921, F. Nansen was appointed High Commissioner for Russian and Armenian Refugees. The result of his work was the creation of “Nansen passports” in 1922 in which there was no column on citizenship at all. Russian refugees were solely controlled by the Polish authorities in Warsaw - the government commissioner, and in the provinces - governors and elders. Thanks to the efforts of the representative of the League of Nations, Charpanier, an agreement was concluded between the Polish authorities and Russian emigrant organizations to create a special legal situation for Russian emigrants. All of them were divided into two categories: refugees and emigrants. The authorities headed for the expulsion of refugees from the country. With the financial support of the League of Nations, the Russian Board of Trustees opened 14 legal aid points in 1923. The legal status of emigrants influenced their employment. The League of Nations allocated funds for the creation of 55 labor cooperatives located in Belovezhskaya Pushcha and Augustow. In connection with the massive unemployment in Poland, with the support of the League of Nations, about 2 thousand refugees in 1924-1926. went to work in France. During the global crisis of 1929-1933 About 500 emigrants left for agricultural work in France, with the support of representatives of the League of Nations in Warsaw. Having arrived in Poland, Russian emigrants were deprived of the help of the embassy and consulates; there were no special state bodies providing assistance to refugees.

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (119) ◽  
pp. 420-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Kennedy

A list from September 1939 of files destroyed by the Department of External Affairs in the invasion scares of 1939–40 contains an intriguing reference to the possibility of dispatching Irish military forces to the Saarland on the Franco-German border in the winter of 1934–5. There they would serve as part of an international peacekeeping force while a plebiscite on the status of the territory was carried out under League of Nations auspices in January 1935. The context of this article is the events surrounding the creation of the peacekeeping force in December 1934.That the Irish Free State should be mentioned as a possible contributor to the international force for the Saar is an illustration of the emerging mediatory role the state was to adopt after its three-year term on the League Council concluded in September 1933. With an Irish diplomat, Sean Lester, seconded to League service as High Commissioner in Danzig from 1934, and with Irish-born Edward Phelan, Assistant Director of the International Labour Organisation, being mentioned as a possible contender for the League post of Deputy Secretary-General in 1933, and with Eamon de Valera rising in importance as an international statesman and League supporter, Ireland’s involvement in the Saar was both an illustration and a result of the state’s prominent position in the League in the early to mid-1930s.


2021 ◽  
pp. 9-53
Author(s):  
Krystyna Wojtczak

The article considers the legal status of the voivode during the interwar period, the time of the difficult restoration of the Polish identity and the creation of the Polish state in the post-Partition lands with three separate systems of territorial division and local administration. The legal situation of the office of the voivode is closely related to the establishment of the systemic foundations of the highest Polish authorities (legislative and executive) and local administration (initially, on the territory of the former Kingdom of Poland and then on the gradually annexed former Polish territories). The author refers to both spheres of legal activity of the Polish state at that time. She discusses the primary political acts, i.e. the March Constitution (1921), the April Constitution (1935) and the Constitutional Act (1926), as well as regulations concerning county administrative authorities of the first instance, situated in the then two-tier (ministries – county offices) administrative apparatus. Attention is primarily focused on the acts directly concerning the position of the voivode, i.e. the Act of 2 August 1919, the Regulation of the President of the Republic of 19 January 1928, and executive acts issued on the basis of these, and against whose background the importance of the legal institution of the voivode is presented: during the time of attempts to unify the administrative system (1918–1928), and in the period of changes leading to a uniform organisational structure of voivodship administrative authorities (1928–1939). The analysis makes it possible to state that successive legal conditions strengthened the political position of the voivode. In both periods covered by the analysis, the voivode was a representative of the government (with broader competences in 1928–1939), the executor of orders from individual ministers, the head of state and local government authorities and offices (1918–1928), the head of general administrative bodies subordinate to him, and the supervisory body over local government (1928–1939). The position of the voivode in the interwar period was unquestionably very strong.


1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 324-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Friedmann

At the end of the Ottoman rule the legal system in Israel was ripe for change. The British conquest was welcomed, at least by the Jewish population, and under the circumstances there was no objection to absorbing the legal system of the new conqueror.British conquest in 1917 brought military rule but by 1920 a civil administration headed by High Commissioner Sir Herbert Samuel had already been installed. On July 24, 1922 the League of Nations bestowed upon Britain the Mandate over Palestine, and less than a month thereafter, on August 10, 1922, the Palestine Order-in-Council was enacted. This legislation was designed to serve as a “Constitution” for Mandatory Palestine. It established institutions of the Government—the executive authority, the legislative branch, the judiciary—and defined their powers. In particular, the sources of law to be applied by the civil courts were enumerated in Art. 46, while matters of personal status jurisdiction remained vested in the courts of the various religious communities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Piotr Kołodko

<p>The purpose of the article is to present the legal situation of a slave under Roman criminal law. The analysis conducted proves that the approach towards slaves changed along with the transformation of the government system of ancient Rome. In the Period of the Republic, criminal liability of slaves evolved in two directions. The <em>dominica potestas </em>was exercised by owners, as well as the collegial body – <em>tresviri capitales</em>. From the Principate period, Roman jurists were convinced that the legal status of a slave and a free person was identical under criminal law. The difference between these offenders was non-exercise of <em>leges criminales</em> with a penalty that would be inadequate for their legal status, or ruling and exercising of more severe penalties against slaves.</p>


2022 ◽  
pp. 79-101
Author(s):  
Vladylena Sokyrska ◽  
Iryna Krupenya ◽  
Kateryna Didenko

The article discusses the specifity of the relations between the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR in 1919–1929. The authors present the relations between the goverments of the two republics and actions of the Russian side aiming to transforme into the unitary state, initially rather loosely connected among them the constituent elements of the Soviet state. Relations between RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR were burdened with significant disavantages from the very beginning, as the former appropriates the rights of the union center. The article explains also the role and the place of the permanent representations of the union republics in Moscow, as well as the influence of the commissioners (Ukrainian government representatives in Moscow) on Soviet Russia’s policy towards Ukraine. Permenent ignoring by the government in Moscow of Ukraine’s needs and expectations, prompted the leadership of the party and the government of Ukrainian SSR to seek protection of its economic interests at the institutional level. With the creation of the USSR, the legal status of the republics included in that state changed. Relations between the republics lost their interstate character. In place of the existing ones, new representations were established to ensure the maintenance of permanent ties between the government of the RSFSR and the governments of the union republics.


2018 ◽  
pp. 95-103
Author(s):  
O. Bezarov

In the article it is researched that the policy of modernization of social and economic life in the Russian Empire, conducted by the government of Alexander II, since the end of the 1850s, created realprerequisites for emancipation of the Russian Jews, certain categories of which could feel full-fledged subjects of the Russian monarchy for the first time already in the 1870s. However, as a result of theprejudiced attitude towards the Jews on the part of the autocracy, the policy of emancipating the Jews turned out to be incomplete, and their legal status was uncertain. Nevertheless, the unique situation in which, for example, the Bukharian Jews managed to obtain civil rights and freedoms from the Russian government, pointed to the ambiguity of political approaches to the settlement of the Jewish issue inthe Russian Empire. The criterion of political loyalty of Russian Jews determined their future legal status in the empire.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-42
Author(s):  
Laura Colket

Academic and public discourses often oversimplify the complex historical, social, and discursive forces that have created the current realities in Haiti. These discourses ignore or distort the role that foreign governments and international agencies have played and continue to play in the creation of the Haitian state. They portray the Haitian government as singular and static, corrupt and incapable, and fail to acknowledge changes in leadership and the diversity of individuals who exist within the government. This “single story” about Haiti privileges the international community and overlooks the stories from Haitians who are working to rebuild and reimagine their own country. This article examines the personal stories of Haitians in order to better understand the nature of Haitian leadership in a neocolonial, post-disaster context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 (09) ◽  
pp. 108-113
Author(s):  
Alexander Begichev ◽  
Alexander Galushkin ◽  
Andrey Zvonaryev ◽  
Victor Shestak

SUHUF ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-357
Author(s):  
Jonathan Zilberg

This article describes the conflicted genesis of the Museum Istiqlal, the history of  the creation of the collection, and the state of the institution relative to other Indonesian museums. It emphasizes both  positive developments underway and the historical problems facing the institution. Above all, it focuses on the role the museum was originally intended to serve for the Indonesian Muslim public sphere and the significant potential the museum has to better serve that mission in the national and international sphere. In short, the article emphasizes that in the context of the Government of Indonesia’s current four year plan to revive the museum sector, the problems and opportunities presented at the Museum Istiqlal are symptomatic of endemic national challenges for both the museum and the education sector.


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