scholarly journals TOTAL INCLUSION IN DEMOCRACY AS A PROBLEM OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT

Having defeated global socialism in the competition, liberalism and democracy proved their superiority. Having freed themselves from obvious external threats, domestic political challenges began to acquire increasing importance. Internal factors mean both the problems of each particular democratic society and the problems of conceptual understanding of liberal democracy in the contemporary context. It turns out that populism in the last 5 years has become the most dangerous problem in a number of young and mature democracies. The populist rhetoric of politicians is aimed at the part of the electorate that is ignorant and eager to hear quick solutions to complex systemic problems. This is especially dangerous for societies in which a political nation has not yet been formed, which is just beginning to take its first steps towards its own institutionalization and therefore requires the attention and concrete action of responsible civil society. Exacerbations of the chronic problems of society remain unnoticed by many influential politicians. The problem of developing complex solutions to the new challenges of our time, in particular the need to understand what price society pays for the dogmatic faith in the permanent liberalization of the democratic process and the inclusion of various groups, is being solved. The necessity of adapting the structures of liberal democracy to the new conditions of the prevailing modern political reality in order to maintain political security is noted. A proposal is made to look pragmatically at the state of affairs of modern liberalism.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-262
Author(s):  
Alzo David-West

Abstract This article presents an original historical-philosophical conception that attempts to discern the matter, form, and power of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk). A panoramic and problematizing cognitive framework, the theory configurates 629 years of sociopolitical history from 1392 to 2021 and then comparatively discusses the dprk system in relation to ancient democracy and liberal democracy from Pericles to Samuel P. Huntington. The article is divided into three parts, which outline the theory and its principles, map historical foundations and political phases, and address social relations, state will, and political reality. Description and analysis convey the thesis that the dprk polity is home to a Neo-Hobbesian formation: a hybrid state entity that is historically modern, politically absolutist, and illiberally democratic, with a transforming cross-civilizational physiognomy. By design, the “soft” theory is conceived to stimulate academic discussion and debate, not declare a final solution.


2009 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Hobson

One of the few unambiguously positive outcomes of the George W. Bush years is a greater interest in the practice of democracy promotion. However, the expansion of scholarship in this area has not been matched by an equal expansion in its scope. There continues to be an overwhelming tendency to focus exclusively on empirical case studies and policy prescriptions, usually informed by a set of unstated liberal assumptions. Nothing is necessarily wrong with this per se. The problem stems from the lack of attention directed toward the larger theoretical and conceptual frameworks that inform and shape these practices. Responding to this state of affairs, this article examines the way certain theoretical tendencies and commitments have helped give rise to many problematic aspects of liberal democracy promotion. It is necessary to challenge the restrictive framework that currently dominates. It is argued that to do so entails rethinking, extending, and pluralizing the way democracy itself is conceived.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 373-380
Author(s):  
Irlan Zh Iskakov

Studies of political systems and political processes in the post-Soviet states of the Central Asian region are based, as a rule, on institutional and neo-institutional concepts. Attempts to mechanically apply certain ready-made western description schemes and even the corresponding conceptual apparatus to the Central Asian material rarely lead to convincing results. Many important factors affecting the political development of the region remain beyond research. By the beginning of the 2010s institutionalization and pluralization of the political space outside state control also included the development of the necessary legislative framework. Such a framework implies the consolidation of the legal basis for the creation and effective functioning of public associations and organizations, and the formation of legitimate and viable representation institutions. Russian authors are much more familiar with the material of the political reality of the CAR, therefore they give more balanced and accurate assessments. The disadvantage of Russian studies is the fact that, methodologically, they follow the approaches developed by Western political science. This encourages one to concentrate on some aspects of the political development of the Central Asian states and to underestimate or even completely ignore other, no less, and sometimes much more significant ones. In recent years, this deficiency is gradually being replenished. The findings of the researchers are becoming more objective, which helps to overcome erroneous political decisions and strengthen interstate cooperation. Over time, such studies will have the results of the development of new systematic and well-reflected approaches, adequate to the subject of political science studies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 324
Author(s):  
Dmitry N. Ermakov ◽  
Grigory G. Popov ◽  
Galina N. Kaninskaya ◽  
Victoria M. Marasanova

The purpose of this article is to test the concept of A. Greif for the operation of the principle of establishing a balance of interests in Russian society in the face of increasing external threats. The article reveals the significance of the Veche as an institution that reflected the desire to establish a balance of interests of elites in Russian society. The author traces changes in the significance of the traditions of self-government in Russian lands with the increase of military threats. The content of the balance of interests in medieval Russian society is determined. The problematic method of historical analysis is applied to the study of the political processes of medieval Russia, and the problem of narodopravstvo is brought to the fore. The conceptual idea of A. Greif is confirmed in Russian medieval history. Deviations from the rule deduced by A. Greif under certain external conditions lead society to crises. The authors point out that the easing of military pressure from the nomads on North-Eastern Russia (1408) allowed the Moscow princes to concentrate their efforts on fighting potential internal opposition and other branches of the Rurik dynasty that occupied the great tables, as well as against the Novgorod Republic, which embodied the ancient Slavic state order. In the course of this struggle, the balance of interests between strata of Russian society was disrupted, which eventually resulted in the establishment of a brutal serfdom and a reactionary form of centralized government - autocracy. In South-Western and North-Western Russia, such conditions did not develop, so the old Slavic order was preserved there for a long time, but, due to military and political reasons, the States in these regions did not manage to maintain independence.


Author(s):  
O. V. Ovcharenko ◽  
V. I. Dubnytskyi ◽  
S. O. Fedulova

It has been proposed the structure of a complex mechanism for ensuring the economic security of the region in the article. As a methodological basis, a generalized structure of the public administration mechanism was used, which, as the main elements, includes: a goal; functions; methods for implementing functions; methods tools; subjects. The study has updated that the defining component of the mechanism for ensuring the economic security of the region is the “goal”, namely, ensuring the balance of the region’s economy, despite the impact of the crisis and internal and external threats, conditions for improving the quality of life and human and environmental safety, as well as integration in the country’s economy and economic independence, rational use of resources and the use of competitive advantages. On the basis of this mechanism, the study proposes the distribution of competencies between regional authorities to ensure the economic security of the region in order to organize a monitoring system for this security. The developed system for monitoring the economic security of the region is a fairly effective element of regional management, since it relies on available statistical data, and secondly, it allows evaluating the object of research both statically and dynamically; thirdly, it makes it possible to assess both the general state of affairs in the region and by large blocks and by individual factors. The study also proposed a concept strategy for the socio-economic development of the Dnipropetrovsk region until 2030, which includes elements of the implementation of measures to increase the level of economic security of the Dnipropetrovsk region.


Author(s):  
Abiola Ibidunni Odejide ◽  
Obasanjo Joseph Oyedele

This chapter examines issues of female access to higher education in Nigeria and the equity and empowerment interventions available to female staff and students in higher educational institutions (HEIs) in the light of Items 4 and 5 of the Sustainable Development Goals. It focuses on the major challenges, responses, their drivers, and their effectiveness. Statistical and existing qualitative data are used to highlight the persistent sociocultural, economic, political, security, and policy challenges that continue to negatively impact female participation and experiences in higher education. It advocates enactment and implementation of legislation and institutional policies to promote gender equity, gendering of the curriculum, females' equitable and quality participation in leadership positions, and better security from internal and external threats. Advocacy to foster widespread attitudinal change and collaboration on global and regional development initiatives marked by national priorities should facilitate the attainment of these goals. .


10.23856/2910 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
Vitaly Vedeneyev ◽  
Olha Orlova

In the article examined, that there is a process of political reality constructing by means of the use the various manipulation technologies that allow popularizing "necessary" to the politicians’ ideas that afterwards grow into soil of the counted scenario the political development events. Attention applies on the phenomenon of mythological political life, considered through the prism of social life symbolizing psychological process, illustrates effectiveness of external influence mechanisms on mass consciousness at man. It is underlined that mechanisms of external influence on mass consciousness at man is unchanging sufficiently long time and exist almost so much how many exist human civilization. The role of mass-media is shown as to the instrument of virtualization of the real political space and means of this virtual reality constructing.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Pavlov ◽  
Oksana Kushnir ◽  
Tatiana Pavlova

In the process of decentralization of public power and management in Ukraine there are problems of both practical, managerial and theoretical nature, which require finding the reasons for their emergence and providing sound proposals for their solution. For the successful implementation of this reform, the issue of identifying and overcoming the risks of safe development of Ukraine is of great importance, on the successful solution of which depends not only the further fate of the state system of the country, but also statehood as such. The article has scientific novelty and practical value. She contains the definition decentralization of public power and governanceit as process of transformation of the whole set of their structural elements, united by a commonality of features associated with the transfer of power and relevant resources from central executive bodies to united territorial communities to adopt effective decisions in the interests of the population of a particular area and the country as a whole. Safe socio-economic and political development is positioned as one that allows to maintain resilience to internal and external threats and the ability to meet the growing social needs of the individual, family, society, state. An understanding of risk as a danger or threat associated with losses due to an adverse situation is presented; as uncertainty, the meaning of which is that hypothetically there are several possible options for the development of events after the reaction (action) to the situation; as opportunities, the onset of the probability of future development, the consequences of which can be both negative (net risks) and positive (speculative risks). The classification of risks arising in various spheres of public life as a result of imperfect reform of the territorial organization of power has been carried out. Suggestions and practical recommendations presentedfor forecasting the occurrence of risks in the context of decentralization and overcoming the consequences of the existing threats to the safe socio-economic and political development of Ukraine in the context of expanding the powers of self-governing institutions. Proposed in the article of the proposition and the recommendation may be used by public power in the process of reforming the administrative and territorial organization of Ukraine. Prospects for further scientific research on the subject matter have been determined.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luqman Raheem ◽  
Nasir Durid

The regional factor has always played an important role in the political developments of various countries and political experiences, as this factor constituted the role of the direct incubator for all the successful and failed experiences of political development throughout our time. The process of democratization is considered one of the most important political experiments of our time, which gained wide momentum after the Second World War. Especially after the peoples of the world realized the importance and preference of this system compared to the rest of the political systems. After the end of the Cold War, the world witnessed a remarkable trend towards liberal democracy, exhilarated by the euphoria of the victory of the Western camp led by the United States of America over its eastern historical opponent (led by the Soviet Union). Liberal democracy and its sovereignty over the world, rather they unleashed an unbridled optimism that says: ""The peoples and societies of the world are moving towards adopting the model of liberal democracy, because it is the model most responsive to the aspirations of human freedom and the release of his energies.


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