scholarly journals Foreign Policy and Afrocentricism: An Appraisal of Nigeria’s Role

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-124
Author(s):  
Muritala Dauda ◽  
Mohammad Zaki Bin Ahmad ◽  
Mohammad Faisol Keling

Nigerian foreign policy is a tool use by the country to achieve its national interest. The country’s external policy has been tailored to be Afrocentric since its independence in 1960 which shows the commitment of Nigeria towards Africa’s stability and development. The principles of Nigeria’s foreign policy and its Afrocentricism has consistently operated by the government of the country irrespective of whether it is civilian or military administration. The notion of four concentric circle of Nigerian foreign policy where the country considers its national interest and the interest of its neighbouring States first, the West African sub-region, Africa’s interest and the interest of the world, have accrued numerous benefits to the country. The benefit of Nigeria’s Afrocentric policy has enormously assisted the country’s image internationally. This has invariably promoted Nigeria’s influence during global decision making. The study makes use of systems theory that viewed an individual or group as an ecosystem with moving parts that affect each other. Meaning that, if any part of human body is suffering from pain or any deficiency, the entire body will be feeling pain which can make the whole human body to malfunction. Likewise Nigeria, if any African country is in a crisis, all countries in Africa should look for a way-out to rescue the situation. The study therefore is qualitative in nature that employs the use of both primary and secondary data source. Twelve respondents were interviewed from various higher institutions and government agencies, and the data was analyzed thematically through Nvivo 10.

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muritala Dauda ◽  
◽  
Mohammad Zaki Ahmad ◽  
Mohammad Faisol Keling ◽  
◽  
...  

Nigeria’s afrocentric foreign policy has in no small measure benefited African continent. This has assisted Nigeria tremendously to have played a leading role towards ensuring peace, stability, cooperation and development in the African continent. The study examines the hullabaloos surrounding the too generous and committed nature of Nigerian foreign policy which has canvassed for varieties of opinions on the need for the country to adjust her foreign policy objectives. The study indicates that if there is need for Nigeria to adjust her foreign policy objectives towards Africa, it should be more favourable and not the other way round due to numerous unforeseen benefits. The study adopts role theory to describe the position and responsibility shouldered by Nigeria in Africa. As against the position opined by antagonists on the amendment of Nigerian foreign policy’s objectives, the theory explains that some benefits are either tangible or intangible forms. This study is qualitative that adopts both primary and secondary sources of data. Twelve (12) respondents were interviewed from various Nigerian government parastatals and higher institutions of learning. Data gotten from the interview was analysed thematically with the aid of Nvivo. The secondary data source was through books, journal articles, newspapers and policy documents.


Author(s):  
Fitrotu Aini

ABSTRACTHajj as a great symbol of worship. Hajj is the fifth pillar of Islam which is mandatory for every Muslim who are able to da it in accordance with the legal requirement of pilgrimage. One of the legal conditions of Hajj is the capability, capable to cover the cost of the hajj and the family left behind. Panin Bank Dubai Sharia Bank was established based on the regulation of Limited Company No. 12 dated January 8, 1972 by Moeslim Dalidd, a notary in Malang. PT. Bank Panin Dubai Syariah Tbk has been legalized by the Financial Services Authority ("OJK"), in accordance with a copy of the policy of the Board of Commissioners of OJK No. Kep-29 / D.03 / 2016 on July 26, 2016.Therefore, through this research, the writer wants to understand: (1) how is the practice of applying alternative financial agreement of hajj and umrah after the implementation of regulation made by ministry of religious affair No. 24 year 2016 at Panin Bank Dubai Syariah Surabaya branch? (2) What is the analysis of Islamic law on the practice of multilateral contract alternative application in this Bank? Therefore, this study is aimed to, firstly, understand and describe the application of alternative contracts to hajj and umrah after the regulation of Ministry of Religious Affairs No. 24 of 2016 in Panin Bank Dubai Sharia branch Surabaya, and to describe the analysis of Sharia Economic Law about the practice of applying alternative contract in the bank.The method used in this research is qualitative method. The research data are taken in natural situation in Panin Bank Dubai Syariah Surabaya. The data are taken during operational hours using case study approach. Are done through interview technique with the main participant, Assistant Manager 1, and document, archive, book, sample of registration, as secondary data source. The data are analyzed through 3 (three) data deduction, display data and ended with conclusion and verification.The results of the study indicate that the Panin Bank Dubai Sharia runs in accordance with the government regulation No. 24 year 2016 "BPS BPIH is prohibited from providing direct and indirect Hajj money service" including Hajj and Umrah services using various financing products and funds saving, funds collecting in the form of deposits, savings or other forms, using multi-service financing akad wadi'ah, with the savings of hajj services with initial minimum deposit of Rp500,000,and according to customers’ ability. Keywords: hajj, umrah, wadi'ah.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 245
Author(s):  
Ursulla Mariska Maduma Silaban ◽  
Saptono Nugroho

Location of this research in Sendang Duwur district of Lamongan. The condition of tourism Sendang Duwur Village have big potential in giving economic contribution to local society. This is the purpose of this research. Based on the above research that revealed three problems, namely what the uniqueness from tourism product in Sendang Duwur Village, how was the tourist shopping behavior in Sendang Duwur Tourism Village, And how was contribution of Sendang Duwur Tourism Village for Local Comunnity Economic. To express the above problem this research using primary and secondary data source, while type of data used is the qualitative data and quantitative data. The technique in order to obtain the validity of data using flow model method and quantitative analyzing. Data which collect by questionnaire, in-depht interview, observation and documentation. The results of this study related to tourism product unique of Sendang Duwur Tourism Village as attraction, amenities, accessibility and ancillary services. The type of tourist shopping behavior is tourist who like to look for variety with percentage of 80%. Sendang Duwur Tourism Village has not contributed optimally to improve community local economic because visitor spending whose amount is determind by length of stay cannot be used because there is no tourist staying. Tourist only make shorts visit. Some advice will be given for the local people so that keep specificity of tourism product. For the government to more active to promote Sendang Duwur Village to be known to many people.   Keywords : contribution economy, tourism village, local community


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-103
Author(s):  
Tasriani Tasriani

This study aims to determine the literacy of the village community about agricultural zakat and what factors are behind the lack of village people in paying agricultural zakat. This research approach uses a qualitative descriptive approach. Collecting data from this research are interviews, documentation, and observations. The sources of data obtained from primary data sources are from the head of Sidodadi Village, one of the hamlet heads, community leaders, and farmers. While the secondary data source is documentation obtained from the field. Zakat is a property that must be issued for Muslims to those who are entitled to receive it, such as the faqir, poor, amil, converts, slaves, gharim, fisabilillah, and ibn sabil. The agricultural zakat is all agricultural produce that is planted using seeds, the results of which can be eaten by humans and animals. Agricultural zakat can be in the form of grains, tubers, vegetables, fruits, flowers, and so on. The results of this study are the lack of public literacy about agricultural zakat, besides that there has been no socialization about agricultural zakat from community leaders and from the government which causes the people of Sidodadi Village to have low agricultural zakat literacy.


Author(s):  
Chris Landsberg

In an attempt to bring coherence and predictability to South African foreign policy, the government of Jacob Zuma has, since assuming office in May 2009, put emphasis on forging relations with countries and regions, and key international relations issues and concerns. According to policy, the pursuit of the national interest lay at the heart of the Republic’s international strategies, with ‘national interest’ being used as a cement to hold together the edifice of post-Mbeki government’s foreign policy. On paper, the government appears to have gone far in articulating this ambitious foreign policy, however a number of questions arise. Have these policies been put into practice and if so do they follow the stated agenda or are there serious deviations? Has there been association with Mbeki’s policies on paper and dissociation from such policies in practice? How do the various tenets of foreign policy relate to the epicentre of the national interest and to one another? Do they represent a marked shift from the previous Mbeki government’s African Agenda’ or are they a mere copy? This paper seeks to answer these questions, in particular investigating whether a gap has developed between articulated, or stated, policy and how it was pursued in practice, through implementation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-102
Author(s):  
Florentina Wulandari Maria Alexandra

At the end of 2014, the United States, under the leadership of President Barack Obama, decided to improve relations with Cuba. The relationship between the two countries has a long history. After 53 years of severing diplomatic ties with Cuba, America finally made a change through the policy of diplomatic relations improvement that began in 2015. This study analyzes the background that encourages the restoration of political ties between the United States and Cuba, examining the implementation of foreign policy forms between the two countries As a result of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba through diplomatic channels. This research uses foreign policy theory and the theory of international pathways. The research method used is qualitative research with a secondary data source, with a data collection technique through a literature study. The study found that in the policy of restoring the diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba happened for three main reasons, the first one. President Obama realized that US sanctions to Cuba is a policy that is not successful; the United States no longer wants to lose the market, which was very promising in Cuba. And also, the United States has a ton amount of pressure internationally and domestically, asking them to recover their relations with Cuba. These reasons ultimately implemented through diplomatic channels by both countries. They have implications such as increased bilateral visits, increased investment, and business as well as cultural exchange through communities and students.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mohamad Zakaria Al Anshori

<p>This study aims to investigate the extent to which Islam influences Indonesian foreign policy in the post-Suharto era. Specifically, this research intends to examine under what circumstances the influence of Islam on Indonesian foreign policy will be substantial and under what conditions it will have less of an effect. Focusing on the era of the administration of President Yudhoyono, the issues covered in this study embrace Indonesia’s policies towards Iran’s nuclear programme, Kosovo’s independence and Palestinian statehood.   This study puts emphasis on the interplay between Muslim groups and the government in relation to the conduct of the country’s foreign policy. As interest groups, Muslim groups in Indonesia have had significant concerns about Muslim issues in both Indonesia’s domestic affairs and in its foreign policy.  In general, this study argues that there has been an increased role for Islam in Indonesia’s post-Suharto foreign policy. Islamic elements and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been increasingly included and accommodated in the country’s foreign policy. These accommodations are made to the extent that the aspirations these views reflect do not contradict fundamentally with Pancasila as state philosophy, the 1945 constitution and the country’s vital national interests, mainly those related to territorial integrity.  Specifically, the case of the Iranian nuclear programme has showed that the government ‘bowed’ to the Muslim groups’ pressures which were backed by the parliament. The government changed its position from supporting UNSC resolution 1747 on sanctions against Iran to abstaining on the similar resolution no. 1803. In this regard, the influence of Muslim groups on the country’s foreign policy was important and substantial as Muslim groups’ interests and members of parliament’s interests did converge against the government’s policy on that matter.   The Kosovo case has demonstrated an opposite effect. The government apparently firmed up its non-recognition of Kosovo’s independence and disregarded Muslim groups’ aspirations. Muslim groups’ aspiration to recognise Kosovo’s independence is perceived to contradict the most vital of the country’s national interest, namely national integrity. Finally, the case of Palestinian statehood has showed that the Indonesian government’s policy and Muslim groups’ aspirations have been aligned (unlike their differences over Iran) with a similar voice being presented.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Daehoon Han

South Korea and Taiwan experienced the extremely rare type of high-level, sustained postwar economic growth.While it has attracted the attention of many scholars who found out the identical pattern of economic developmentbetween South Korea and Taiwan by focusing on the similar structural conditions, relatively less attention has beengiven to the development mechanism South Korea and Taiwan employed to develop their economy. Furthermore,few studies have highlighted the role of actors in the process of economic development in South Korea and Taiwanbecause most of previous studies have focused on the structural conditions. This study aimed to examine how SouthKorea and Taiwan have developed their economy by discovering the type of a development mechanism employed.Based on using the set of secondary data source, this study found out that South Korea and Taiwan achieved aphenomenal economic development based on the export-oriented industrialization. However, South Korean economywas developed by the government-led development mechanism, while Taiwanese economy was developed by themarket-led development mechanism. And, the difference in the way of developing their economy was mainly causedby not only several structural conditions, such as the consensus between the government and private sector over thematter of economic development, the urgency of economic development, and the existence of vertical social system,but also the characteristics, such as the leadership style of key policy makers.


1996 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Evans

This article examines the extent to which the foreign policy of South Africa has altered since the inauguration of the Government of National Unity (GNU), following the historic, non-racial multi-party elections in May 1994. Has the African National Congress (ANC)-led regime succeeded in its stated aims of ‘normalising’ relations with the outside world while simultaneously forsaking traditional assumptions and perspectives about the national interest, and how best to define, defend, and promote it? Or has the understandable preoccupation with, and demands of, internal reconstruction led to a situation where foreign policy is ‘on hold’, in the sense that little attention has so far been directed at substantive questions concerning the norms, values, and conventions implicit in the strategic culture and policy inclinations of the ‘ancien régime’? In other words, what are the elements of continuity and change?


1978 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Martin Rochester

The “national interest” has proven to be a highly resilient concept, not only in terms of its malleability in the hands of foreign policymakers and various publics but also in terms of its ability to retain currency among several generations of international relations scholars despite repeated efforts to discredit it. There have been several attempts recently to rehabilitate the concept, including one by the Commission on the Organization of the Government for the Conduct of Foreign Policy which recognized that repudiation of the term by academics did not absolve practitioners from their continuing responsibility to define it. However, the problem with recent attempts on the part of scholars as well as practitioners to reformulate the “national interest” is that they fail to take into account adequately the new realities of world politics which have tended to upset the normal calculus. If the identification of “national interests” has defied precise analysis in the past, it is an even more difficult task today.


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