scholarly journals Beauty class and the practice of beautification among lower middle-class young women

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 00010
Author(s):  
Ninik Tri Ambarwati

Beauty class is a place for a woman to share experiences in applying makeup. The participants in the beauty class obtain tips and trick or some specific ways of applying makeup. The participants in this class can directly practice the knowledge on how to apply makeup on their faces. The beauty class phenomenon has existed in Indonesia since 2000. Beauty class becomes a trend which attracts young women. Beauty class becomes a place where ideal beauty is constructed, for instance, white skin for body and face, thick eyebrows, long eyelashes, pointed nose, oval face, and pink lips. This research aims to see the consumption practice by lower-class young women at the beauty class in Yogyakarta. This research uses ethnography method by attending and observing the beauty class and having an interview with two active participants in the beauty class. This research shows that 1). Makeup has become a part of the everyday lifestyle of young women. 2). Beautification practice is determined by some beauty standards identified by the other party, in this case, cosmetics industry, and beauty blogger. 3). Beauty class opens an access for lower-middle-class women to use a wide range of cosmetics palette and tools that beyond what they can afford.

Author(s):  
Max Hirsh

The first chapter of the book focuses on the construction of a railway corridor built in the 1990s to connect Hong Kong's airport to its downtown. It contrasts the normative projections that informed its design with the heterodox uses that characterizes its now day-to-day operations. The chapter discusses on how several sites along the corridor have been appropriated by budget air travelers, such as Mainland Chinese tourists, lower middle-class Hongkongers, and Filipino domestic helpers, as an informal means of traveling cheaply to the airport. Melvin Webber's concept of “channel capacity” is used to theorize the insertion of these passengers into the everyday spaces of a suburban new town and to critique the failures of transport designers to adequately plan for their needs.


The present paper examines the impact of extra-linguistic variables (gender and social class) on the linguistic interaction between emphasis and manner, on the one hand, and voice, on the other hand, in Urban Jordanian Arabic. To achieve this goal, 40 participants produced 12 monosyllabic CVC minimal pairs with the target consonant (plain or emphatic) occurring word-initially. Measurements taken were F1, F2, and F3 at vowel onset and midpoint positions. Acoustically, it was found that emphasis was stronger following a stop than following a fricative, and it is more pronounced following a voiced consonant than following a voiceless one. However, the extra-linguistic factors did not have a strong bearing on these linguistic interactions. In general, the interaction between emphasis and manner or voice was not influenced by gender or social class. An exception to this finding was the overlap between emphasis and manner at F1 onset, where the interplay of both gender and social class affected the linguistic interaction. In particular, upper-class males produced stronger emphasis following stops than following fricatives, whereas lower-middle class males produced stronger emphasis following a fricative than following a stop.


Author(s):  
Richard Archer

Any comparison of the 1850s with 1830 would conclude that the struggle for equal rights had made substantial progress. Almost all legal discriminations had ended. There was increased opportunity for advancement. Some black New Englanders gained wealth, political positions, access to cultural venues, and all the other trappings of the affluent middle class. But a wall of poverty and limited economic opportunities limited most. They faced the double hardship of racism and disdain for the poor. Poverty was a wall holding back people of all ethnicities, and it was much more difficult to surmount than barriers separating working class from lower middle class or middle class from upper middle class. For African Americans, the wall was reinforced by racism. Desegregating schools and eliminating the ban on mixed marriages proved to be much easier than ending poverty.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-94
Author(s):  
Hiu Wai Wong

In this article I write about the split of London described in Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. Dr. Jekyll, decent and belonging to the middle class, fail s to resist the transformation into Mr. Hyde, gross and belonging to the lower class. It represents the fear of the West Enders, who thought that the East Enders were uncivilized and threatening. In order to rationalize their fear, the West Enders imagined the East Enders as criminals, which corresponds to Edward Said’s discussion of Orientalism. In Orientalism, Said discusses how the West represents the Orient as the Other, and produces the category of the Orient grounded on a geographical framework of thinking. In much the same way, the story of Jekyll and Hyde demonstrates a narrative construction of the lower class living in the East End London as criminals. The influence of Cesare Lombroso’s theory of criminology present in the story serves as important evidence of the West Enders’ imagination. In Criminal Man (1876), Lombroso investigates the atavistic criminal, which illustrates the middle-class imagination of the body of the East Enders. Establishing the notion of atavism, Lombroso belittles the lower class by criticizing them as the demonstration of “regression to an earlier stage of evolution.” Examining the details of the geographical demarcation portrayed in the story, this paper hopes to elucidate the cultural imagination of criminals in Victorian London.


2013 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
AMANDA GILBERTSON

AbstractDrawing on twelve months of fieldwork in suburban Hyderabad, this paper explores the double binds experienced by middle-class young women as they attempt to meet the competing demands of ‘respectable’ and ‘fashionable’ femininity. For middle-class women, respectability requires purposeful movement, demure posture and modest clothing when in public, as well as avoidance of lower-class spaces where men congregate. Status can, however, also be achieved through more revealing fashionable clothing and consumption in elite public spaces. Whilst respectability for some sections of the middle class necessitates avoidance of even platonic relationships with the opposite sex, upper middle-class informants encourage heterosociality and for some upper middle-class and elite youth pre-marital romance is a form of ‘fashion’ due to its location in high-status spaces of leisure and consumption. The tensions described in this paper reveal the fragmentation of Hyderabad's middle class and the barriers to social mobility experienced by women for whom the relationship between legitimate cultural capital and feminine modesty is becoming increasingly complex.


2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (05) ◽  
pp. 1646-1674 ◽  
Author(s):  
KATHERINE TWAMLEY ◽  
JUHI SIDHARTH

AbstractThis article draws together two studies: one that explores the intimate relationships of young slum-dwelling Dalit women in Mumbai and the other of young middle-class women in Baroda, Gujarat. Using an intersectional lens, we trace the ways that gendered ideals of respectability shape women's freedom of movement and relationships. The comparison produces new insights into the ways that class, caste, and location cut across gender to shape young women's lives in India. We argue that the distinctive positionings of the women structure the ways in which they react to gender norms and the means with which they strategize around them. Middle-class young women strike a ‘passive bargain’, upholding ideals of respectability by shoring up symbolic capital for a ‘good’ marriage and class privilege. The Dalit women show more active resistance to an ideal that they struggle to achieve, despite heavy control and surveillance over their movement and relationships. However, contrary to previous research, we show that both groups are beholden and lay claim to similar gendered and intimate ideals.


Author(s):  
Vatsala Kamath ◽  
Disha Ajila ◽  
Shashirekha H. D.

Background: The overall pooled estimate of the prevalence of Postpartum depression in Indian mothers is 22%. In India, women who deliver at a health facility often stays less than 48hrs after delivery and this leaves little opportunity for health personnel to counsel the mother and family members on the signs and symptoms of Postpartum depression (PPD) and when to seek care. So, it is important to screen the postpartum woman for depression. Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale is used as an effective tool to assess the level of postnatal depression. The objective of the study was to assess the prevalence and risk factors associated with postpartum depression in the postnatal mothers using EDPS scale.Methods: This study was conducted at A. J. Institute of Medical Sciences and Research Center from January 2019 to May 2020. A total of 950 postnatal mothers were interviewed using Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale.Results: A total of 950 cases were studied. Prevalence of Postpartum depression was 15.78%. Increased incidence was seen in the primigravida (12.2%) compared to multigravidas (3.57%). This study showed 1.89% mothers belonging to upper middle class, 5.05% belonging to lower middle class had PPD and 7.26% belonging to upper lower class and 1.57 % patients belonging to lower class had PPD. In our study, 9.26% patients who underwent normal vaginal delivery had PPD and 6.52% of patients who underwent lower segment caesarean section had PPD. In the present study, it was found that 1.05% mothers having IUD babies and 5.2% (96/950) mothers who required NICU admission developed PPD.Conclusions: In this study, the prevalence of postpartum depression was 15.78%. Risk of PPD is more with primigravida, belonging to lower middle class status, mothers who had NVD and mothers of IUD babies. Postpartum depression screening should be an integral part of postnatal care using EPDS scale. A multidisciplinary approach including obstetrician and psychiatrists and counsellor can jointly take care of the depressed mothers. Early screening of the women may reduce the adverse outcomes among both mother and child. Proper counselling should be done to all the pregnant women and the family members for the birth preparedness.


Sociology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (5) ◽  
pp. 867-882
Author(s):  
Asiya Islam

This article explores narratives of boredom among young lower middle class women employed in the bourgeoning services sector in India, across cafes, call centres, malls and offices. These young women cite boredom from ‘sitting at home’ as a reason to seek employment. Adopting Bourdieu’s understanding of temporal relations as informed by ‘subjective expectations’ and ‘objective chances’, I place young women’s temporal narratives in the context of post-1990 socio-economic change in India. I show that there is a shift in young lower middle class women’s expectations, particularly on the basis of acquisition of higher education. By rendering the space of home – characterised by compulsion to participate in housework, pressure to get married and restrictions on mobility and friendships – as temporally insignificant, young women resist gender norms. Their narratives contribute to gendering scholarship on temporal disruptions in the context of socio-economic change, which is currently overdetermined by young men’s experiences.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 939-944
Author(s):  
Jyoti Kumari ◽  
Ritu Dubey ◽  
Dipak Kumar Bose ◽  
Vandana Gupta

As per the census of 2011 the tribal population consists of 8.6% while it was 8.2% according to the census of 2001 in India. This paper addresses the socio-economic status of Tharu tribes in Bahraich district of Uttar Pradesh. The socio economic status is an important determinant of health, nutritional status, mortality and morbidity of an individual. Socio Economic Status also influences the accessibility, affordability, acceptability and actual utilization of available health facilities. To classify the socio-economic status of the respondents, Uday Pareek and Trivedi scale has been adopted with subject to preliminary test and slight modification as per the need of the study. Measuring the socio-economic conditions of Tharu tribes from Uday Pareek and Trivedi scale, it can be concluded that all the Tharu tribes belong to four categories viz: Upper Middle Class, Middle Class, Lower Middle Class and Lower Class. 0.28% respondent belonged to upper middle class, 5.33% were middle class, 75.56% belonged to lower middle class and 18.83% to lower class. The findings can be beneficial for implementing projects that can help in improving their situation of backwardness. 


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