The Wall

Author(s):  
Richard Archer

Any comparison of the 1850s with 1830 would conclude that the struggle for equal rights had made substantial progress. Almost all legal discriminations had ended. There was increased opportunity for advancement. Some black New Englanders gained wealth, political positions, access to cultural venues, and all the other trappings of the affluent middle class. But a wall of poverty and limited economic opportunities limited most. They faced the double hardship of racism and disdain for the poor. Poverty was a wall holding back people of all ethnicities, and it was much more difficult to surmount than barriers separating working class from lower middle class or middle class from upper middle class. For African Americans, the wall was reinforced by racism. Desegregating schools and eliminating the ban on mixed marriages proved to be much easier than ending poverty.

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-112
Author(s):  
Sholihah Amalina Dyah Hapsari ◽  
Manuntun Parulian Hutagaol ◽  
Alla Asmara

The growth of the middle class in Indonesia that occurred during the last ten years allegedly raised by the economic growth that is likely to increase in the same period. An economic theory which states that inclusive growth is growth that is able to bring the middle class makes economists focus on inclusive growth and the middle class itself. But in fact, the middle class in Indonesia is dominated by the lower middle class whose features are similar to the poor. These issues indicate a gap in the economy. In addition, to talk about the gap, there is no doubt that this issue has long been a discussion in Indonesia, especially the gap between western Indonesia and eastern Indonesia. Therefore this study was conducted to analyze whether it is true that inclusive growth has occurred in Indonesia and how the phenomena that occur in the western part of Indonesia and eastern Indonesia. Based on the data from 33 provinces in Indonesia over a period of 5 years, ie from 2008 to 2012, this study of the Measured inclusive growth by adopting the concept formulated by Klasen (2010) on-Poverty Equivalent Growth Rate (PEGR). This study of the processing of data performed using Excel and SPSS software. The results found that economic growth in Indonesia in 20082012 has not been inclusive in reducing poverty, lowering inequality and increase employment. The results also show that inclusive growth is not a consistent phenomenon in Indonesia. The phenomenon of inclusive growth in reducing poverty, lowering inequality, and increasing employment are more prevalent in Western Indonesia (IBB).  Key words : inclusive, growth, middle class, panel data, excel   


The present paper examines the impact of extra-linguistic variables (gender and social class) on the linguistic interaction between emphasis and manner, on the one hand, and voice, on the other hand, in Urban Jordanian Arabic. To achieve this goal, 40 participants produced 12 monosyllabic CVC minimal pairs with the target consonant (plain or emphatic) occurring word-initially. Measurements taken were F1, F2, and F3 at vowel onset and midpoint positions. Acoustically, it was found that emphasis was stronger following a stop than following a fricative, and it is more pronounced following a voiced consonant than following a voiceless one. However, the extra-linguistic factors did not have a strong bearing on these linguistic interactions. In general, the interaction between emphasis and manner or voice was not influenced by gender or social class. An exception to this finding was the overlap between emphasis and manner at F1 onset, where the interplay of both gender and social class affected the linguistic interaction. In particular, upper-class males produced stronger emphasis following stops than following fricatives, whereas lower-middle class males produced stronger emphasis following a fricative than following a stop.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 00010
Author(s):  
Ninik Tri Ambarwati

Beauty class is a place for a woman to share experiences in applying makeup. The participants in the beauty class obtain tips and trick or some specific ways of applying makeup. The participants in this class can directly practice the knowledge on how to apply makeup on their faces. The beauty class phenomenon has existed in Indonesia since 2000. Beauty class becomes a trend which attracts young women. Beauty class becomes a place where ideal beauty is constructed, for instance, white skin for body and face, thick eyebrows, long eyelashes, pointed nose, oval face, and pink lips. This research aims to see the consumption practice by lower-class young women at the beauty class in Yogyakarta. This research uses ethnography method by attending and observing the beauty class and having an interview with two active participants in the beauty class. This research shows that 1). Makeup has become a part of the everyday lifestyle of young women. 2). Beautification practice is determined by some beauty standards identified by the other party, in this case, cosmetics industry, and beauty blogger. 3). Beauty class opens an access for lower-middle-class women to use a wide range of cosmetics palette and tools that beyond what they can afford.


2012 ◽  
Vol 81 ◽  
pp. 114-135
Author(s):  
Amanda Ciafone

AbstractWith the sudden, almost ubiquitous reentry of The Coca-Cola Company to India during economic liberalization, the branded commodity became a sign of both aspirational global consumer-citizenship for India's urban middle class and of corporate enclosure for those dispossessed of material and symbolic resources to fuel this consumption. Village communities around several of Coca-Cola's rural plants, including in Mehdiganj, Uttar Pradesh, organized against the company's operations, which they accused of exploiting and polluting common groundwater in the production of bottled drinks as an increasing expanse of the country fell into a crisis of water scarcity. This “environmentalism of the poor” has articulated a powerful critique of corporate globalization and privatization, illuminating the exploitation of the resources of the rural poor for the consumption of those on the other side of an increasingly widening economic divide.


2010 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
SHARON MONTEITH

As long ago as The Other America (1962), Michael Harrington asked, “How long shall we ignore this undeveloped nation in our midst? How long shall we look the other way while our fellow human beings suffer?”1 Hurricane Katrina and its aftermath brought into plain sight the plight of the poor, with Michael Brown, then director of FEMA, admitting sombrely at the Superdome that he was seeing people he never knew existed. The black poor were drawn forcefully into the national consciousness, for a while at least, as they had not been during the 2004 presidential election when it was discovered that many electronic voting machines had not found their way into New Orleans to register the votes of one of the largest blocs of African Americans.


2021 ◽  
pp. 153568412098101
Author(s):  
Megan R. Underhill

Drawing on 40 interviews with white parents in two mixed-income neighborhoods—one that is majority-white and the other that is multiracial—this article examines how residence in socioeconomically diverse neighborhoods conditions the parenting practices of middle-class whites, specifically concerning parents’ management of their children’s contact with the poor. The data reveal that white parents in both neighborhoods work to ensure symbolic and spatial distance between their children and their poor neighbors resulting in distinctive patterns of micro-segregation in each neighborhood. However, how parents engage in this work depends on the race of their neighbors and the block-level geography of their community. I find that parents deploy more contact-avoidant practices toward their poor white rather than their poor black neighbors. Among participants, poor whites conjure feelings of disgust and are actively avoided, whereas poor black residents provoke feelings of ambivalence, as contact with them is judged to be both valuable and threatening.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-112
Author(s):  
Sholihah Amalina Dyah Hapsari ◽  
Manuntun Parulian Hutagaol ◽  
Alla Asmara

The growth of the middle class in Indonesia that occurred during the last ten years allegedly raised by the economic growth that is likely to increase in the same period. An economic theory which states that inclusive growth is growth that is able to bring the middle class makes economists focus on inclusive growth and the middle class itself. But in fact, the middle class in Indonesia is dominated by the lower middle class whose features are similar to the poor. These issues indicate a gap in the economy. In addition, to talk about the gap, there is no doubt that this issue has long been a discussion in Indonesia, especially the gap between western Indonesia and eastern Indonesia. Therefore this study was conducted to analyze whether it is true that inclusive growth has occurred in Indonesia and how the phenomena that occur in the western part of Indonesia and eastern Indonesia. Based on the data from 33 provinces in Indonesia over a period of 5 years, ie from 2008 to 2012, this study of the Measured inclusive growth by adopting the concept formulated by Klasen (2010) on-Poverty Equivalent Growth Rate (PEGR). This study of the processing of data performed using Excel and SPSS software. The results found that economic growth in Indonesia in 20082012 has not been inclusive in reducing poverty, lowering inequality and increase employment. The results also show that inclusive growth is not a consistent phenomenon in Indonesia. The phenomenon of inclusive growth in reducing poverty, lowering inequality, and increasing employment are more prevalent in Western Indonesia (IBB).  Key words : inclusive, growth, middle class, panel data, excel   


Author(s):  
Richard Archer

New England railroads, segregated transportation, and the origins of the term Jim Crow appeared in the 1830s. The equal rights movement in New England shifted toward direct action in the 1840s. Constituting only a small portion of the overall population, activists could not overturn segregation and racism by themselves. They believed—they almost had to—that most New Englanders were decent people who, when aware of injustice, would want it eliminated. Others might need economic or political persuasion. To counter the discrimination African Americans turned to direct action—sit-ins, boycotts, petition drives, political manoeuvring, and they were successful. One of the first targets was discrimination on public conveyances. The first half of the 1840s were the first years of substantial progress, including the end of segregation on public transportation.


Worldview ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 4-6
Author(s):  
Robert Coles ◽  
Theodore M. Hesburgh ◽  
Herbert Scoville

That person should be the next President who is wilting to make a major issue of who owns what in our economic system. I am not saying that a candidate who is interested in explicitly and candidly analyzing our economic system stands a good chance of being nominated, let alone being elected President. I am simply saying that for me one of the major problems confronting this nation is the enormous disparity between the rich and the upper middle class on the one hand and, on the other, the working people and the poor, who make up the overwhelming majority of our people. I value this country's political institutions; they are not to be dismissed lightly. They are imperfect and have recently been subjected to severe stress. But they offer each of us a precious degree of freedom.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-291
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vasquez ◽  
Anna L. Peterson

In this article, we explore the debates surrounding the proposed canonization of Archbishop Oscar Romero, an outspoken defender of human rights and the poor during the civil war in El Salvador, who was assassinated in March 1980 by paramilitary death squads while saying Mass. More specifically, we examine the tension between, on the one hand, local and popular understandings of Romero’s life and legacy and, on the other hand, transnational and institutional interpretations. We argue that the reluctance of the Vatican to advance Romero’s canonization process has to do with the need to domesticate and “privatize” his image. This depoliticization of Romero’s work and teachings is a part of a larger agenda of neo-Romanization, an attempt by the Holy See to redeploy a post-colonial and transnational Catholic regime in the face of the crisis of modernity and the advent of postmodern relativism. This redeployment is based on the control of local religious expressions, particularly those that advocate for a more participatory church, which have proliferated with contemporary globalization


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