scholarly journals Karakteristik Siyasah dalam al-Quran dan Hadis

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Ilham Syukri ◽  
Syahidin Syahidin ◽  
Agusri Fauzan
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
The World ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Character ◽  
The Universe

Al-Quran is a book in which it discusses the problems of the world and the hereafter. And the hadith is the official explanation of the Koran. Understanding worldly concepts in al-Quran also requires a process of reasoning through the guidance of the Prophet's sunnah. One of the worldly problems mentioned in al-Quran is the political and ethical basics that must be adhered to in healthy politics in the style of al-Quran. Al-Quran is the principle of life, there is no single problem that exists in the world and even the hereafter unless it is regulated by the guidance and guidance of al-Quran and the valid sunnah, including in the world of politics, even the political character of al-Quran is not comparable. with it, everything is a benefit and blessing if it is used and understood by the right and proper individual. This research uses the thematic method (maudhu'i) about the siyasah verses. The results show that the political characteristics in al-Quran are 1. Bai'at, 2. Shura, 2. Responsibility, 3. Justice, 4. Silaturrahim. If these characters are applied, they will be safe in their career towards Allah SWT. On the contrary, if they do not disobey, they will be misled and get the wrath of the owner of the universe.

The German Elections of 1928

1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 698-705
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
City Councils ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Modern Methods ◽  
Political Consolidation ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
The Right ◽  
Intensive Work

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.

A New Quarrel

On Universals ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 96-120
Author(s):  
Étienne Balibar
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Philosophical Anthropology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Unity ◽  
The World ◽  
The Common ◽  
To Come ◽  
Question Today ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Universe

This chapter assesses the new “quarrel of universals” that now occupies philosophy and other overlapping disciplines. In this new quarrel, the question today is not only whether one is for or against the universal; the question is also how one defines the universal—a term whose surprising equivocity has become increasingly clear. Still more fundamentally, the question is how one should articulate the relationship between three related but heterogeneous terms whose widespread use has prompted conflicting claims: the universal, universality, and universalisms. The chapter begins by situating the question of the universal and its variations within the field that seems to constitute the strategic site of intersecting domains: philosophical anthropology, understood as the analysis of the historical differences of the human and of the problem that those differences pose to their bearers. It then outlines the difficulties which can be identified in every philosophical and political usage of the universal and its “doubles” according to three aporias. The first is the aporia of the multiplicity of the “world,” or of the universe as multiversum; the second is that of Allgemeinheit or All(en)gemeinheit, in other words, the irreducible gap between the universal and the common (or community); and, finally, that of co-citizenship, the form of belonging to a political unity to come, a unity whose law of belonging (membership) would be the heterogeneity within equality or the political participation of those foreign to the community.

The Aerarium and its Officials Under the Empire

1964 ◽  
Vol 54 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 33-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fergus Millar
Keyword(s):  
World Wide ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Funds ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Interpretation ◽  
Financial Administration ◽  
Political Character ◽  
Public Revenues

No analysis of the political character of the Empire can avoid the question of finance. The various sources of revenue of the Emperor and the res publica, the role of the private wealth of the Emperor, the nature of his control over public funds, the question of how and when various public revenues were taken by him—a satisfactory political interpretation of the early Empire must take account of all these.This article attempts merely to take a second preliminary step towards such an interpretation. Its aim is to set out as clearly as possible the evidence as to the nature of the Aerarium and the functions of its officials, and, above all, to avoid the anachronistic approach which our language itself so readily invites. Not all anachronistic views of the subject have had the beautiful obviousness of Ramsay's contribution: even to speak of the ‘world-wide financial administration’ of the Aerarium will prove to be misleading.

scholarly journals ARCHITECTURES OF DEMOCRACY: HOUSING MOVEMENTS AND PROGRESSIVE ARCHITECTS IN SÃO PAULO (1970-1990)

2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (65) ◽  
pp. 369-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Henrique Bortoluci
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Organizational Practices ◽  
Construction Site ◽  
Urban Social Movements ◽  
Construction Techniques ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Character ◽  
Design And Construction

Abstract From the late 1970s until the early 1990s, the issue of the right to housing in São Paulo’s peripheral neighborhoods was pursued side by side with a questioning of the political character of design and construction techniques and an attempt to reframe the construction site as a space of cooperation and political education. This article addresses how this articulation between architects and urban social movements led to an innovation of organizational practices within those movements, transformations in the field of architecture, and the local emergence of the idea of the “right to architecture.”

Democracy and Ontology

2008 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-227
Author(s):  
Bernard Flynn
Keyword(s):  
Symbolic Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Political Modernity ◽  
The World ◽  
Ontological Dimension ◽  
Modern Experience ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Universe

AbstractThis paper elaborates a conception of the relationship between Philosophy and the Political which would not be one of exteriority but one of an intertwining between them. An analogy with Rémi Brague, who presents the conditions whereby the concept of 'the world' became a thematic object of reflection (The Wisdom of the World), is proposed to show the emergence of the concept of 'the political.' Following Lefort's philosophy, we trace the emergence of modern democracy with that of the political by claiming that there is an ontological dimension of the political. As the concept of the world could not emerge within a conception of the universe that united man and world in an organic whole, so too the concept of the political cannot emerge when the discourse on power is determined theologically (premodern societies). It is argued that there is an ontological dimension to the revolutions that introduced our political modernity. Modern revolutions are not simply a change in a form of governance; they effect a mutation in the symbolic order of a society by which the political, as such, can become visible. The indetermination of modern democracy corresponds to "the disappearance of the markers of certainty" that characterize the modern experience of the world, an experience that reveals a transformed ontological dimension. This dimension of uncertainty, the experience of the place of power as an "empty place," is contrasted with the totalitarian impulse to fill this empty place with a determinate image, e.g., the Party, the Fürher.

Toward a Liberal Theory of Punishment: Locke, Property, and Individualism

2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 350-366
Author(s):  
Alfonso Donoso
Keyword(s):  
Critical Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
Natural Rights ◽  
Liberal Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recent Theory ◽  
Basic Character ◽  
Justification Of Punishment ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Character

AbstractBy offering a critical analysis of Nicolás Maloberti’s recent theory and justification of punishment, this article accounts for a series of principles and considerations that any liberal and Lockean theory of punishment must take seriously. This article contends that Locke’s conception of the state – an institution grounded on the right to punish violators of natural rights – and the basic character of the right to property within Locke’s scheme of rights are elements that should lead us to affirm that no genuine liberal theory of punishment can dispense with the political character of the right to punish.

Comparative Perspectives on White and Indigenous Women's Political Citizenship in Queensland: The 1905 Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Grimshaw
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
White Women ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short List ◽  
Political Citizenship ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Second World

The centenary of the passage in early 1905 of the Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899, which extended the right to vote to white women in Queensland, marks a moment of great importance in the political and social history of Australia. The high ground of the history of women's suffrage in Australia is undoubtedly the passage of the 1902 Commonwealth Franchise Act that gave all white women in Australia political citizenship: the right to vote and to stand for parliamentary office at the federal level. Obviously this attracted the most attention internationally, given that it placed Australia on the short list of communities that had done so to date; most women in the world had to await the aftermath of the First or Second World Wars for similar rights.

International Humanitarian Law and the Israeli Supreme Court

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aharon Barak
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Israeli Supreme Court ◽  
The Right

In contrast with most other municipal courts in the world, the Israeli Supreme Court routinely decides cases based on international humanitarian law (IHL). Since the Six Day War in 1967, both the state and the Supreme Court have agreed that the Court has jurisdiction to decide humanitarian issues that come before it from territory held under belligerent occupation. The Court has indeed done so in issues ranging from land seizures to targeted killings, ruling on the basis of the relevant IHL. The Court has been criticised for its judgments, both from the right wing of the political spectrum, who see it as interfering with military matters, and from the left, who see it as granting legitimacy to occupation. In this article, I briefly describe the development, both historical and legal, of IHL in the Israeli Supreme Court, the criticism of the way the law is applied by the Court, and finally the importance of the fundamental concepts of human dignity and proportionality to IHL decisions.

Bringing Capital Back In, or Social Democracy Reconsidered: Employer Power, Cross-Class Alliances, and Centralization of Industrial Relations in Denmark and Sweden

1991 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-544 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Swenson
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Alternative View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The World ◽  
Industrial Conflict ◽  
The Right

The political domination of Social Democrats in Denmark and Sweden beginning in the 1930s was stabilized by the absence of intense opposition by capital to reformist programs aggressively opposed by business and the Right elsewhere in the world. This quiescence was not a symptom of weakness or dependency; rather, it was a product of a class-intersecting, cross-class alliance behind institutions of centralized industrial relations that served mutual interests of sectoral groupings dominating both union and employer confederations. Well-organized and militant, and backed by Social Democrats, employers in the two countries used offensive multi-industry lockouts to force centralization on reluctant unions. Analysis of these cross-class alliances and their pay-distributional objectives is used to challenge a widely held view that centralization and Social Democratic electoral strength are sources of power against capital. It also occasions a reassessment of conventional understandings of farmer-labor coalitions and the decline of industrial conflict in Scandinavia in the 1930s. According to the alternative view presented here, capital was included rather than excluded from these cross-class alliances, and industrial conflict subsided dramatically in part because employers achieved politically what they had previously tried to achieve with the lockout.

scholarly journals Notes towards an anthropology of the internet

2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (21) ◽  
pp. 15-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Hart
Keyword(s):  
World History ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Digital Revolution ◽  
The Third ◽  
Human Creativity ◽  
Third Stage ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Universe

What might an anthropology of the internet look like? It require a combination of introspection, personal judgment and world history to explore the universe of cyberspace. This world is not sufficient to itself, nor is it 'the world'. People bring their offline circumstances to behaviour online. The virtual and the real constitute a dialectic in which neither can be reduced to the other and 'virtual reality' is their temporary synthesis. Heidegger's metaphysics are drawn on to illuminate this dialectic. Before this, the internet is examines in the light of the history of communications, from speech and writing to books and the radio. The digital revolution of our time is marked by the convergence of telephones, television and computing. It is the third stage in a machine revolution lasting just 200 years. The paper analyses the political economy of the internet in terms of the original three classes controlling respectively increase in the environment (land), money (capital) and human creativity (labour). It ends with a consideration of Kant's great example for a future anthropology capable of placing human subjectivity in world history.

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