scholarly journals From Dictatorship to “Democracy”: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehmet Erman Erol

A decade after Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution in 2011, this article assesses Tunisia’s neoliberal political economy from a critical and historical perspective; from Ben Ali to its current political and economic impasse. It argues that despite the country being shown as the only democratic example to have emerged from the “Arab Spring”, the continuity of neoliberalism puts significant limits on its democratisation. Domestic and international ruling classes insisted on the implementation of further neoliberal reforms since the 2010s which curbed democratic processes, interventions and demands. Hence, despite limited democratic reform in the political sphere initially, it is not plausible to argue that the post-2010 era delivered the demands of the masses that led to the ousting of Ben Ali. In recent years, the country has experienced significant economic and political crises accompanied by deep societal unrest and labour resistance. Indeed, high unemployment persists, inflation and the cost of living have worsened, foreign debt has soared, wages have remained stagnant and state austerity is prescribed by the country’s creditors. This leaves the future of Tunisia’s political economy uncertain and crisis-prone, and makes the case for a break away from neoliberalism an urgent necessity.

2021 ◽  
pp. 44-72
Author(s):  
Michael A. Wilkinson

<Online Only>This chapter examines authoritarian liberalism as a more general phenomenon ‘beyond Weimar’. It looks outside Weimar Germany and takes a longer historical perspective, revealing deeper tensions in liberalism itself, specifically its inability to respond to the issue of socio-economic inequality in a mass democracy. The major Weimar constitutional theorists—Hans Kelsen, Carl Schmitt, and Hermann Heller—had no answer to the social question as a matter of constitutional self-defence. The chapter then discusses the political economy of the various crises across Europe—in Italy, France, and Austria—revealing a similar quandary. As Karl Polanyi argued, in these contexts, the turn to authoritarian liberalism fatally weakened political democracy and left it disarmed when faced with the fascist countermovement. Later in the interwar period, proposals for neo-liberalism would be introduced, symbolized by the organization of the Walter Lippman Colloquium in 1938.</Online Only>


1999 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Snyder

Neoliberal economic reforms, rather than unleashing market forces, can result in new institutions for market governance. By vacating institutionalized policy domains, neoliberal reforms can trigger two-step reregulation processes, as first, political entrepreneurs launch projects to build support coalitions by reregulating markets, and second, societal groups respond to these projects by mobilizing to influence the terms of reregulation. Depending on the strengths and strategies of politicians and societal groups, reregulation processes result in varied institutions for market governance. The article develops this argument by analyzing how neoliberal reforms in Mexico led to the construction of distinct institutions for market governance across four states (Chiapas, Guerrero, Oaxaca, and Puebla). The findings from Mexico highlight the importance of moving beyond the questions of why developing countries choose neoliberal policies and how they implement them. Students of the political economy of development should shift their attention instead to understanding the kinds of new institutions that replace those destroyed or displaced by neoliberal reforms.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Vincent Eseoghene Efebeh

The relationship between human health and disease is neither a new concept nr a new subject. The outbreak of Covid-19 in Wuhan city of China in December, 2019 has turned out to be a global health emergency which triggers disastrous socio-economic and political crises in the infected countries. Covid-19, apart from becoming the greatest threat to global public health of the century, it has severely demobilized the global economy. It is against this backdrop that this paper examined the political economy of Covid-19 and its effects on the global economy. The paper argues that the measures taken to contain the epidemic in some countries appear as putting the nation under a state of siege. Some governments are adopting rather extreme measures - com-plete lockdown of the cities, the provinces and even the country itself, school closures, travel ban and cancellation of flights. The lack of responsible world leadership when it is most needed in terms of providing basic subsistence to the vulnerable especially in Africa has also proven problematic in the spread of the contagious disease. The paper concludes that the abuse of powers for narrow political motives exacerbate the spread of Covid-19 which brought considerable human suffering and economic disruption worldwide. The paper therefore recommends among others that the US government and the world leadership should strive to ensure effective and well-resourced public health measures to prevent infection and contagion, and implement well-targeted policies to support healthcare systems and workers, support low-income economies and protect the income of the vulnerable including social welfare payments to citizens while the monetary authorities offered loan relief to help businesses in the affected countries.


2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 152
Author(s):  
Benjamin F. Fisher ◽  
Terence Whalen

2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 567-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Creech

As journalistic work has become increasingly precarious in recent decades, exposure to risk – that is, true bodily harm – has become a normalized condition for those reporting from conflict zones. This article considers the political economy of risk, paying particular attention to the ways it has been constructed as a desirable and manageable condition for various classes of news workers. The burden of risk is distributed unequally across staff reporters, freelancers, and non-Western local journalists of all stripes, and a persistent discourse of witnessing obscures both these inequities and the structural conditions that allow news organizations to profit from an increased assumption of individual risk. As structural conditions, individual mitigations, and practices of textual commodification are considered and critiqued, the article concludes by identifying specific strategies that push beyond an economic logic, and thus reassert the cultural and political value of conflict and war reporting as a practice that merits protection, regardless of who produces it. Such a critique focuses on developing the discursive tools that allow journalists and outside observers alike to ask ‘who should bear the costs of witnessing?’


Author(s):  
Paul Johnson

The development of pension provision in Britain since January 1909, when the first public old-age pension was paid, should be celebrated as one of the greatest achievements of collective action in the twentieth century. This chapter examines what has and has not changed in terms of demographic and economic knowledge of pension systems. It then considers the causes and consequences of this delusional consensus and offers some suggestions about how a more responsible set of political and popular attitudes to pensions might be created, beginning with a fundamental reform to the state pension system. The rationale advanced by the Pensions Commission for maintaining much of the complexity of the current state system is the cost and disruption that would be entailed by radical change. This chapter discusses the political economy of pension reform in Britain, focusing on the link between demography and pensions as well as between pensions and economics.


Women Rising ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 135-142
Author(s):  
Asaad Alsaleh

In this chapter, Asaad Alsaleh discusses the problematic and double-sided role of the public intellectual Buthaina Shabaan in the Syrian revolution. Shabaan was a writer, professor, and advocate of the Syrian regime who spurred the populace to embrace the possibility of democratic reform. However, this feminist intellectual accepted—even embraced—the political control employed by the Assad authoritarian one-party regime, which used her as a representative of its supposed progressive and women’s liberation agendas.


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