scholarly journals México y el Instituto Nacional de Geografía y Estadística: fundación y contexto, 1824-1839

Author(s):  
Edgar Ortiz Arellano

ResumenMéxico al obtener su independencia en 1821 tuvo el reto de administrar y gobernar grandes extensiones de territorio donde vivía una población heterogénea y dispersa; ante esta situación fue una necesidad fundar un organismo encargado del mapeo de la nación, así como tener conocimiento de los recursos y habitantes con los que contaba, por lo que el gobierno mexicano creó el Instituto Nacional de Geografía y Estadística en 1833, que posteriormente se denominó Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística. Los resultados que logró a pesar del escenario político inestable fue la continuidad que dio a sus trabajos y la creación del Boletín, que se constituyó en una de las primeras publicaciones de comunicación científica de carácter internacional que tuvo México, de ahí el énfasis que se puso en el contexto del Instituto y sus primeras acciones, concluyendo que existió una fuerte preocupación e intentos de la clase política por institucionalizar la ciencia en el país.Palabras clave: México; geografía; estadística; boletínMexico and the Instituto Nacional de Geografía y Estadística: foundation and context, 1824-1839AbstractGaining independence in 1821, Mexico had the challenge to manage and control large territories where a heterogeneous and dispersed population lived. In this situation, it needed to establish a body responsible for mapping the nation and collecting knowledge on the resources and people, so the Mexican government created the National Institute of Geography and Statistics in 1833, later called Mexican Society of Geography and Statistics. The results achieved despite the unstable political scenario was the continuity of its work and the creation of the Boletín, which evolved as one of the first publications of scientific communication of international character in Mexico. Hence, emphasis was placed in the context of the Institute and its first actions, concluding that there were a strong concern and some attempts by the political class to institutionalize science in the country.Keywords: Mexico; geography; statistics; newsletter; boletínMéxico e o Instituto Nacional de Geografia e Estatística: fundação e contexto, 1824-1839ResumoMéxico ao obter sua independência em 1821, teve o desafio de administrar e governar grandes extensões de território onde viveu uma população heterogênea e dispersa; nesta situação surgiu a necessidade de criar um organismo responsável de mapear o país e ter conhecimento dos recursos e habitantes com os quais contava, de modo que o governo mexicano criou o Instituto Nacional de Geografia e Estatística em 1833, que mais tarde denominou como Sociedade Mexicana de Geografia e Estatística. O resultado alcançado apesar do cenário de instabilidade política foi à continuidade que deram as suas obras e a criação do Boletim que se constituiu numa das primeiras publicações de divulgação científica de carácter internacional que teve o México, daí a ênfase que foi colocada no contexto do Instituto e suas primeiras ações, concluindo que houve uma forte preocupação e tentativa da classe política para institucionalizar a ciência no país.Palavras-chave: México; geografia; estatística; boletim 

Author(s):  
Daskyes Yohanna Gulleng

Policing in Nigeria has never been this challenging. Aside from accusations of violence and brutality, the police are widely regarded as ineffective and inefficient. While insecurity surges across the country, regional security networks are springing up in an uncoordinated manner, raising questions about ownership and control. This further gave rise to agitations for either community policing and state police from the political class, civil societies, and traditional institutions. This chapter situates police violence in the context of the popular #EndSARS# protest and reviews issues surrounding police reforms in Nigeria. Within the context of the challenging insecurity in the north central region, the chapter looks at the merits and demerits of community police and state police to determine what works and makes recommendations on the appropriate policing strategy in the region.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-207
Author(s):  
Juliette Barbera

For decades, both incarceration and research on the topic have proliferated. Disciplines within the Western sciences have studied the topic of incarceration through their respective lenses. Decades of data reflect trends and consequences of the carceral state, and based on that data the various disciplines have put forth arguments as to how the trends and consequences are of relevance to their respective fields of study. The research trajectory of incarceration research, however, overlooks the assumptions behind punishment and control and their institutionalization that produce and maintain the carceral state and its study. This omission of assumptions facilitates a focus on outcomes that serve to reinforce Western perspectives, and it contributes to the overall stagnation in the incarceration research produced in Western disciplines. An assessment of the study of the carceral state within the mainstream of American Political Development in the political science discipline provides an example of how the research framework contributes to the overall stagnation, even though the framework of the subfield allows for an historical institutionalization perspective. The theoretical perspectives of Cedric J. Robinson reveal the limits of Western lenses to critically assess the state. The alternative framework he provides to challenge the limits imposed on research production by Western perspectives applies to the argument presented here concerning the limitations that hamper the study of the carceral state.


Panggung ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Sahid

ABSTRACTRevolutionary struggle in order to compete for the independence of Indonesia has been a source of inspiration Indonesian artists, including Bambang Soelarto who wrote drama Domba-domba Re- volusi (DDR). DDR studied drama is quite interesting because it tries to criticize the freedom fight- ers. This study aims to: first to know the theme and the problem plays DDR; second to determine the relationship of the socio - historical struggle in 1948 with the sociological elements of drama DDR themes and issues. This study uses sociological theory of art. The basic principles of the sociology of art is the fact that the creation of works of art influenced by the historical social conditions where the work was created. Research using content analysis of Krippendorf, the methods used to examine the symbolic phenomena with the aim to explore and express the observed phenomenon which is the content, meaning, and an essential element of the literary work. Based results of this research is that Bambang Soelarto as the author tries to capture di?erence between fighters during the struggle for the political aspirations for 1948 are expressed in a work of drama. Historical events inspired the creation of drama DDR. Soelarto want to respond to the political aspirations of the di?erence between historical figures and wanted to provide an assessment and outlook through DDR.Keywords: themes, drama, sociology of art, social historical ABSTRAKRevolusi perjuangan dalam rangka memperebutkan kemerdekaan Indonesia telah men- jadi sumber inspirasi para seniman Indonesia, termasuk Bambang Soelarto yang menulis drama Domba-domba Revolusi (DDR). Drama DDR cukup menarik diteliti karena mencoba mengkritisi para pejuang kemerdekaan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk: pertama, mengeta- hui tema dan permasalah drama DDR; kedua, mengetahui hubungan kondisi sosio-histo- ris perjuangan pada tahun 1948 dengan unsur-unsur sosiologis terimplisir pada unsur tema dan masalah drama DDR. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori sosiologi seni. Prinsip dasar dari sosiologi seni adalah adanya fakta bahwa penciptaan karya seni dipengaruhi oleh kon- disi sosial historis tempat karya itu diciptakan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode con- tent analysis dari Krippendorf, yakni metode yang dipergunakan untuk meneliti fenome- na-fenomena simbolik dengan tujuan untuk menggali dan mengungkapkan fenomena yang teramati yang merupakan isi, makna, dan unsur esensial karya sastra. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dapat diketahui bahwa Bambang Soelarto sebagai penulis mencoba un- tuk menangkap perbedaan antara pejuang aspirasi politik selama perjuangan tahun 1948 untuk diekspresikan dalam sebuah karya drama. Peristiwa sejarah mengilhami penciptaan drama DDR. Soelarto ingin menanggapi aspirasi politik perbedaan antara tokoh-tokoh se- jarah dan ingin memberikan penilaian dan pandangan pandangannnya melalui DDR.Kata kunci: tema, drama, sosiologi seni, sosial historis


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.


Author(s):  
Christian D. Liddy

The exercise of political power in late medieval English towns was predicated upon the representation, management, and control of public opinion. This chapter explains why public opinion mattered so much to town rulers; how they worked to shape opinion through communication; and the results. Official communication was instrumental in the politicization of urban citizens. The practices of official secrecy and public proclamation were not inherently contradictory, but conflict flowed from the political process. The secrecy surrounding the practices of civic government provoked ordinary citizens to demand more accountability from town rulers, while citizens, who were accustomed to hear news and information circulated by civic magistrates, were able to use what they knew to challenge authority.


Author(s):  
Hannah Cornwell

This book examines the two generations that spanned the collapse of the Republic and the Augustan period to understand how the concept of pax Romana, as a central ideology of Roman imperialism, evolved. The author argues for the integral nature of pax in understanding the changing dynamics of the Roman state through civil war to the creation of a new political system and world-rule. The period of the late Republic to the early Principate involved changes in the notion of imperialism. This is the story of how peace acquired a central role within imperial discourse over the course of the collapse of the Republican framework to become deployed in the legitimization of the Augustan regime. It is an examination of the movement from the debates over the content of the concept, in the dying Republic, to the creation of an authorized version controlled by the princeps, through an examination of a series of conceptions about peace, culminating with the pax augusta as the first crystallization of an imperial concept of peace. Just as there existed not one but a series of ideas concerning Roman imperialism, so too were there numerous different meanings, applications, and contexts within which Romans talked about ‘peace’. Examining these different nuances allows us insight into the ways they understood power dynamics, and how these were contingent on the political structures of the day. Roman discourses on peace were part of the wider discussion on the way in which Rome conceptualized her Empire and ideas of imperialism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (9) ◽  
pp. 3304-3322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Pötzsch

This article reconceptualizes the archive in the context of digital media ecologies. Drawing upon archival theory and critical approaches to the political economy of the Internet, I account for new dynamics and implications afforded by digital archives. Operating at both a user-controlled explicit and a state- and corporate-owned implicit level, the digital archive at once facilitates empowerment and enables unprecedented forms of management and control. Connecting the politics and economy of digital media with issues of identity formation and curation on social networking sites, I coin the terms iArchive and predictive retention to highlight how recent technological advances both provide new means for self-expression, mobilization and resistance and afford an almost ubiquitous tracking, profiling and, indeed, moulding of emergent subjectivities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zybała

This article addresses the complexity of trade-union approaches to board-level employee representation in the Visegrád countries, and the barriers it faces in particular national settings. Trade unionists in these countries accept the relevance of such employee representation in theory, but their practical agenda covers other issues which they perceive as more important as they struggle to survive at many levels of activity, and face growing existential uncertainty and risk. Unions also lack capacity to overcome obstacles such as reluctance on the part of the political class and managerial hostility to board-level representation; they cannot exert influence on major policy decisions at national level. They are operating in a more and more difficult environment, reflecting not merely a declining membership base, but also the recent economic crisis that failed to change the economic policy paradigm in the Visegrád countries: policies there still rely on a neoliberal approach and hence are not conducive to labour participation. What can still be seen as the predominant model is the traditional one of the market economy in which rights of ownership reign supreme.


Terminology ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mojca Pecman

The study on term formation presented in this paper is related to the problem of determining the function of neologisms in scientific communication and to the issue of processing the concomitant variation, typical of such new denominations. Our analysis of scientific texts shows that neologisms can have quite a different role in scientific communication than they are generally credited with in terminological studies. The well-known referential role, consisting of the creation of a new designation for naming a new concept is overshadowed in scientific texts by a more rhetorical role. Here the scientist resorts consciously to variation, hence creating a “neology effect”, specifically for the reason of emphasising various novel aspects of his thought. This function of neology as a rhetorical device is generally glossed over in terminology studies, in much the same way as the analysis of variation used to be, due to the expected stability that neologism should eventually gain in line with well-established terms. Consequently, in this article, we try to place the phenomenon of neology within the framework of discourse analysis.


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