scholarly journals PERPINDAHAN PENDUDUK DALAM TIGA MASA: KOLONISASI, KOKUMINGGAKARI, DAN TRANSMIGRASI DI PROVINSI LAMPUNG (1905-1979)

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 335
Author(s):  
M. Halwi Dahlan

AbstrakKolonisatie adalah program perpindahan penduduk versi pemerintah Hindia Belanda pada awal abad XX.  Program migrasi ini awalnya diberi nama Kolonisatieproof dan dijalankan sesuai dengan tuntutan Politik Etis bersama dengan program edukasi dan irigasi. Meski kelihatannya sebagai program yang peduli terhadap perbaikan kondisi masyarakat pribumi, tetapi sejatinya ketiga program tersebut dilaksanakan untuk kepentingan kolonialisme di Hindia Belanda yang telah sekian lama meraup keuntungan sejak masa VOC dan Hindia Belanda. Pada masa pemerintahan militer Jepang juga dilakukan perpindahan penduduk yang disebut kokuminggakari khusus di wilayah Lampung.  Penduduk yang dipindahkan ini adalah para rômusha dari Pulau Jawa.  Setelah kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia, program perpindahan penduduk ini dilanjutkan dan disebut transmigrasi.  Tidak jauh berbeda dengan kolonisasi, sasaran perpindahan penduduk ini adalah dari daerah-daerah yang dianggap padat penduduknya terutama Pulau Jawa ke daerah lain di Indonesia.  Khusus Lampung, pelaksanaan perpindahan penduduk ini sangat bernilai karena daerah ini menjadi pionir proyek di tiga masa pemerintahan.  Tujuan penulisan ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan tiga peristiwa perpindahan penduduk tersebut disertai perbandingan di antara ketiganya. Penulisan ini menggunakan teknik pengumpulan sumber melalui studi kepustakaan dan mengenai dampak yang ditimbulkan dianalisis menggunakan teori integrasi.  Abstract In the early twentieth century, the Nederland-Indie  government introduced a program Kolonisatie. At the beginning of its implementation, that program was know as Kolonisatieproof. The program is run in accordance with the Ethical Policy along with educational and irrigation program. Although it seems as programs that concerned to the improvement of indigenous peoples, but is actually that programs were implemented for the benefit of the Dutch East Indies's colonialism. In the reign of the Japanese military, migration program also conducted by goverment which known as kokuminggakari, especially in Lampung. The Population which displacement in kokuminggakari's program is the romushas of Java. After the independence of the Republic of Indonesia, this program continued and know as migration and transmigration. In the era of Indonesian independence, the government carried out the similar program with the colonization program. The purpose of this program is to moved the population from the densely region, especially in Java, to moved to other region in Indonesia. In Lampung, the implementation of this migration  is very important because the area has become a pioneer project in three periods. The purpose of this research was to describe the migration of three events with a comparison between the three events. This study uses the source collection techniques through the study of literature and the data were analyzed using the theory of integration.

Adeptus ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 35-51
Author(s):  
Paulina Anna Wichniewicz

Polish realms of memory in northern BosniaThis article presents the transformation in Bosnia and Herzegovina which began after the war during the years 1991-1995. The most important objective was the liberation and emancipation of the forgotten memory of minorities. These processes are also expressed in relation to the Polish minority which came into existence in the territories of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century with the government takeover by Austria-Hungary and the announcement of the program of colonization. The changes described were significantly apparent in the reconstruction of Polish realms of memory: Polish shrines in Celinovac, Polish church in Cerovljani, Polish cemeteries: in Devetina and Novi Martinac and also in the Yugoslav-Polish partisan cemetery in Srbac. Of interest, the ‘time of memory’ which took place involved all social actors: the government of the Republic of Srpska and the municipalities of Srbac and Nowogrodziec, the Embassy of the Polish Republic in Sarajevo, representatives of local communities - Serbs and the Polish minority from Ćelinovac. Polskie miejsca pamięci w północnej BośniArtykuł prezentuje przemiany, które od czasu zakończenia wojny 1991–1995 roku dokonują się w granicach Bośni i Hercegowiny. Ich głównym celem jest wyzwalanie i emancypacja pamięci zapomnianych mniejszości narodowych. Procesy te dotyczą również polskiej mniejszości narodowej, która na terytorium Bośni i Hercegowiny pojawiła się pod koniec XIX i na początku XX wieku wraz z przejęciem administracji przez Austro-Węgry oraz ogłoszeniem programowej kolonizacji. Najsilniej ujawniają się w rekonstruowaniu polskich miejsc pamięci: polskiej kapliczki w Ćelinovacu, polskiego kościoła w Cerovljanach, cmentarzy polskich w Devetinie i Nowym Martyńcu oraz partyzanckiego jugosłowiańsko-polskiego w Srbacu. Co ciekawe, „czas pamięci“, który nastał, odcisnął swe piętno na działalności wszystkich aktorów społecznych: władz Republiki Serbskiej oraz gminnych, w tym wypadku gmin Srbac oraz Nowogrodziec, Ambasady Rzeczypospolitej w Sarajewie, przedstawicieli społeczności lokalnych – Serbów oraz polskiej mniejszości narodowej z Ćelinovaca.


Author(s):  
Daniel Macfarlane ◽  
Andrew Watson

Drawing on Timothy Mitchell’s Carbon Democracy, and using envirotechnical analysis, we probe how the materiality of energy—public hydropower—influenced democracy and governance in Ontario during the early twentieth century. Within Canada, hydro-electricity disproportionately shaped the politics of Ontario and Canada-US relations during the first half of the century. Within the province, it provided the energy-based affluence that underpinned claims for a liberal and democratic society. But residents experienced the consequences of hydropower unevenly. Urban and industrial residents enjoyed most of the benefits, while rural residents and Indigenous peoples living close to hydro developments endured the burdens of development.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ena Kajino

Less than a century after the introduction of the violin to Japan, in the late nineteenth century, Japan offers the highest level of training on the instrument and has produced many internationally successful violinists. Although one can hardly imagine it from the current role of the violin in modern Japan, in the early twentieth century the instrument played a significant role, not in the development there of Western classical music, but in the survival of the indigenous Japanese music that we call today ‘traditional Japanese music’.With the flood of Western culture into Japan after the Meiji Restoration, of 1868, the Japanese government reconsidered whether their native music was worthy of Japan as a civilized country. In fact, except for court music, native Japanese music was held in low esteem by society and the government alike. The music of the shamisen was particularly problematic, due to the vulgar texts of shamisen songs and the low class status of shamisen consumers. Shakuhachi had until recently been restricted to Fuke monks, and was still establishing a new role in the musical culture. Thus, the whole world of ‘traditional Japanese music’ was entering a new age.It was during this period that many Japanese became acquainted with the violin, by playing it in ensemble with koto, shamisen and shakuhachi. Young Japanese professional musicians began to learn the violin. The principles of Western music they learned in this way gradually made their way into Japanese music. At one time, the ‘traditional Japanese music’ ensemble of violin with Japanese instruments seemed to have become firmly rooted in Japan as ‘home music’; but this has not turned out to be the case. As Japanese violinists have become increasingly dedicated to Western classical music, traditional Japanese music has once again become the exclusive use of native instruments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 463
Author(s):  
Ahmad Redi ◽  
Yuwono Prianto ◽  
Tundjung Herning Sitabuana ◽  
Ade Adhari

Pasal 18B ayat (2) UUD NRI 1945 mengatur mengenai penghormatan dan pengakuan atas satuan-satuan masyarakat hukum adat beserta hak-hak tradisionalnya sepanjang keberadaannya masih ada. Salah satu hak masyarakat adat di masyarakat pesisir di Provinsi Lampung ialah hak rumpon sebagai hak ulayat laut. Rumpon laut secara bahasa merupakan jenis alat bantu penangkapan ikan yang dipasang di laut, baik laut dangkal maupun laut dalam. Saat ini eksistensi rumpon laut terancam keberadaannya karena untuk menjaga dan melestarikan sistem pengelolaan perikanan ini tidak didukung oleh tindakan nyata oleh Pemerintah dan masyarakat sekitar pesisir. Tulisan ini melakukan pengkajian atas hak masyarakat hukum atas hak ulayat rumpon di Provinsi Lampung dengan fokus penelitian pada eksistensi hak ulayat laut rumpon pada masyarakat Lampung dan perlindungan konstitusional atas hak ulayat rumpon laut. Metode penelitian yang digunakan yaitu metode socio-legal yang melakukan kajian terhadap aspek hukum dalam ranah das sollen dan das sein.Article 18B paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia regulates the respect and recognition on customary law community units and their traditional rights as long as they still exist. One of the rights of indigenous peoples in coastal communities in Lampung Province is rumpon’s right as the ulayat right of the sea. Literaly, Rumpon laut is a type of fishing gear installed in the sea, both the shallow and the deep one. Currently the existence of rumpon laut is threatened because the maintenance is not supported by concrete actions by the Government and coastal communities. This paper conducts an assessment of the community’s right on customary rights of rumpon laut in Lampung Province. This paper focuses on the existence of the ulayat right of rumpon laut in Lampung and the constitutional protection of the ulayat right of rumpon laut. The research method used is a sociolegal method that studies the legal aspects in the realm of das sollen and das sein.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Jantje Tjiptabudy

In relation to the positive law, the management of marine and coastal natural resources, there is also the rule of customary law. Customary law that still lives and develops in indigenous peoples also regulates the management system and utilization of natural resources in coastal and marine areas. Recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples is constitutionally contained in the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia where the state recognizes the existence of the Customary Law Community. In Maluku, marine potency management in general is still done traditionally known as marine customary rights that have been going on for generations but not yet fully recognized either by the government or entrepreneurs who are actually important partners in the development process.


Author(s):  
F. A. Gayada

The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia. 


2019 ◽  
pp. 201-227
Author(s):  
Young-hwan Chong

Since its publication in 2013, Park Yuha’s book Comfort Women of the Empire (Cheguk ŭi wianbu) has become a major point of contention for those concerned with the “comfort women” issue. However, while this book has been frequently cited amidst the recent maelstrom of Japan–Korea relations, the actual content of the book has received insufficient scrutiny. The aim of this article is to concretely examine the content and problematic aspects of Park’s book, building on research that has been carried out since the 1990s into the ‘comfort women’ issue and the question of post-war reparations. Based on the assumption that the Japanese government does not have any legal responsibilities, Park’s book claims that: 1) the “comfort women” victims do not have any right to claim compensation for damages from the Japanese government; 2) even if they did have such a right, the government of the Republic of Korea gave up all rights of claim at the Japan–Korea negotiations that concluded with the Treaty of 1965; and 3) the “economic cooperation” funds that the ROK received as a result of this Treaty were in fact a form of post-war reparations related to the Sino–Japanese War. However, Park has been unable to provide satisfactory grounds for these claims, due to the fact that her book Comfort Women of the Empire does not have an accurate understanding of the preceding research it uses. I argue that Park’s work contains serious methodological flaws, including a failure to define core concepts, such as reparations; the existence of mutually contradictory passages; the arbitrary selection of evidence to support her arguments; and the misuse of previous research. As a result, the book has critical flaws from the standpoint of its fundamental stated aim of promoting historical reconciliation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 1459-1505 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEPHEN LEGG

AbstractThis paper explores the regulation of prostitution in colonial India between the abolition of the Indian Contagious Diseases Act in 1888 and the passing of the first Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act in 1923. It challenges the commonly held assumption that prostitutes naturally segregated themselves in Indian cities, and shows that this was a policy advocated by the Government of India. The object was to prevent the military visiting these segregated areas, in the absence of effective Cantonment Regulations for registering, inspecting, and treating prostitutes. The central government stimulated provincial segregation through expressing its desires via demi-official memoranda and confidential correspondence, to which Rangoon and Bombay responded most willingly. The second half of the paper explores the conditions, in both India and Ceylon, that made these segregated areas into scandalous sites in the early twentieth century. It situates the brothel amongst changing beliefs that they: increased rather than decreased incidents of homosexuality; stimulated trafficking in women and children; and encouraged the spread of scandalous white prostitutes ‘up-country’, beyond their tolerated location in coastal cosmopolitan ports. Taken alongside demands that the state support social reform in the early twentieth century, segregation provided the tipping point for the shift towards suppression from 1917 onwards. It also illustrates the scalar shifts in which central-local relations, and relations between provinces, in government were being negotiated in advance of the dyarchy system formalized in 1919.


1999 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Becker

The 1930s was a period of slow and painful capitalist formation in the Ecuadorian highlands. Marginalized Indigenous peoples who lived in rural areas particularly felt this economic transition as modernizing elites utilized their control of state structures to extend their power to the remote corners of the republic. It was also a time of gains in social legislation, including new laws which dealt with the “Indian problem.” One of the primary examples of this type of legislation was the 1937 Ley de Comunas which extended legal recognition to Indian communities. In certain parts of the country such as in the central highland province of Chimborazo, Indigenous peoples quickly embraced this comuna structure and formed more comunas than any other area of the country (see Map 1). In similar situations in the neighboring countries of Colombia and Peru, Indian villages also used legal frameworks which the government imposed on their communities to petition for ethnic and economic demands.


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