scholarly journals Russian Liberal of the Beginning of the 20th Century in Politics

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 28-43
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayada
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Short Time

The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia. 

scholarly journals Rektor C.J.L. Almqvist och personlighetsprincipen

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-61
Author(s):  
Annika Ullman
Keyword(s):  
Elementary School ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Pilot School ◽  
The Government ◽  
Existential Dimension ◽  
The Right ◽  
Liberal Culture

Principal C.J.L. Almqvist and the principle of personalityThe Swedish author and visionary Carl Jonas Love Almqvist (1793–1866) was the principal for twelve years (1829–1841) of the government-initiated pilot school ”Nya Elementarskolan” (New Elementary School) in Stockholm. In this position, he argued that both the school and the state should be built on the same basic idea: the right of individual freedom. This argument is often referred to as ”personlighetsprincipen” (the principle of personality), a concept launched by another prominent figure of the liberal culture of the time, Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783–1847). This article explores how the principle of personality is expressed in the texts of Almqvist and is mainly built upon the concept’s allegorical resources. It examines the thesis that Almqvist’s use of the term is best understood if one distinguishes between the political, pedagogical, and existential dimension of the concept. The article ends with some thoughts about the context of the concept and a discussion on whether Almqvist had a greater interest in personalities than in principles.

scholarly journals Italy’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic: problems of normative management of emergency

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (3) ◽  
pp. 54-60
Author(s):  
Tatiana Vasilieva
Keyword(s):  
Negative Impact ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
Systemic Problems ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Council Of Ministers

Dueto the global nature of the COVID-19 pandemic, public authorities of different countries had to deal with similar tasks related to protecting of public interests and ensuring the right to health, inextricably linked to the right to life. Italy was the first Western democracy to experience the effects of the coronavirus. On January 31, 2020, a state of emergency was introduced in the country, which was supposed to be in effect until July 31, 2020. In March it was extended to the entire territory of the country, and severe restrictions on freedom of movement were introduced. The COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated the ability of public authorities to withstand an emergency and at the same time exposed systemic problems in the relationships of public authorities, both at the horizontal and vertical levels. Introduction of the state of emergency resulted in the Government’s significant increase of power. The situation was managed either by delegated legislation, or by administrative regulations of the President of the Council of Ministers or individual Ministers. The decrees of the President of the Council of Ministers have taken a leading role in the emergency management. Within a month after the declaration of the state of emergency, the Italian Parliament did not show any activity and resumed its activities only due to necessity to approve decrees and laws. In fact, the constitutional control over the Government activity was weakened. The lack of due coordination between the State and regions in the normative sphere undermined trust between authorities and had a negative impact on adherence to the principle of loyal cooperation.

scholarly journals ANALISIS KEBIJAKAN WALI KOTA PROBOLINGGO DALAM PELAKSANAAN PEMBINAAN KEPEGAWAIAN DI LINGKUNGAN PEMERINTAHAN KOTA PROBOLINGGO

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-31
Author(s):  
Husni Mubaroq ◽  
Sohibul Watoni ◽  
Zairotul Hasanah
Keyword(s):  
Analytical Methods ◽  
Civil Servant ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

The concept of decentralization is the authority of the government that is delegated to the regions, including the authority of personnel in accordance with the decentralized functions. The regional head has the task of being a coach of the State Civil Apparatus in the concept of decentralization. There was a case that the Mayor of Probolinggo issued a decree to remove Tutang Heri Aribowo, who served as an Expert Staff at the Regional Secretariat of the City of Probolinggo. The Regional Government as a civil servant coach tends to abuse its authority. This happens because there is the influence of the political elite in giving disciplinary punishment to employees. The author wants to describe the problem in a study that uses descriptive analytical methods, namely descriptions of the facts and characteristics of a particular population or area in a systematic, factual and thorough manner. The data in this study collected materials by means of a library study. This study also uses a normative juridical method with a statutory approach. So that in this study we know the legal basics of this problem. In order to know the proper process and institution related to the case problem. This aims at employee disputes on the right track and there is no arbitrariness by the ASN supervisor. Keywords: Employment Disputes, Authority, Personnel Advisor

scholarly journals The perception of the basic state laws by the Constitutional Democrats during the work of the first State Duma: the ideas of Vasily Maklakov

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 17-26
Author(s):  
Elena L. Saraeva
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
State Laws ◽  
Legal Norms ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Russian Constitution ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

The article gives an interpretation of the ideas of the liberal politician Vasily Maklakov on the Basic State Laws of 1906. He assessed these laws as the Russian Constitution of 1906. Vasily Maklakov gave an interpretation of the relationship between the Constitutional Democrats and the government in connection with the restriction of the rights of the State Duma. The novelty of the research lies in the analysis of the perception by the Constitutional Democrats of the Basic Russian Laws as amended on April 23, 1906. Sources on the topic include the texts of the leaders of the K-D Party – the memoirs of Vasily Maklakov and Pavel Milyukov, Maxim Vinaver, as well as the Basic State Laws of 1906, materials of the III Congress of the K-D Party. The article reveals the political views of Vasily Maklakov, characterises his communicative culture, the views of the lawyer about the reasons for the illegal actions of the Constitutional Democrats in the First State Duma, the origins of their conflict with the government. An analysis of Vasily Maklakov's ideas about the degree of constitutionality of the government's steps towards the Duma in 1906 is given, his judgements about autocracy, law and order, the need to form a parliamentary culture of deputies are revealed. It is proved that Vasily Maklakov criticised the tactics of the Constitutional Democrats s in the First State Duma in the context of the idea of legality. He saw the main mistake of his fellow party members in their ignoring of a number of legal norms prescribed in the Basic Laws.

Political Ideas and Political Struggle of the Pre-Revolutionary Russian Clergy (The Case of the Ryazan Diocese)

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 125-159
Author(s):  
Hegumen Vitaliy (I.N. Utkin)
Keyword(s):  
Teaching Experience ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Political Views ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Revolution

This article, written using the materials of Ryazan diocesan press, studies the history of the formation of political ideas and the political struggle of pre-revolutionary Russian clergy. In the process of forming separate spiritual estate and system of the rationalized Latin-speaking spiritual education within the Russian Empire, the clergy becomes one of the forces modernizing the country, while perceiving itself as the enlightener and the civilizer of people. The state saw the clergy as petty officials, but the clergy were not willing to accept this role. During the creation of elementary school in the system of the Ministry of State Property, the clergy strengthened their social position and acquired many years of teaching experience. The liberal nobility feared that the clergy would take the lead in rural life by alienating the landlords. Zemstvos begin to fight to push the clergy away from the peasants, squeezing the clergy out of schools. At the same time, churches start opening schools en masse. The clergy enters a political struggle with the liberal gentry. Church periodicals began to appear, shaping the political stance of the clergy. The clergy sees itself as a separate politicum, which can be higher than zemstvos as all-empowerment bodies. Diocesan congresses, as well as district and parochial assemblies start appearing as a means of unification and consolidation of the clergy.The necessity of intra-church democracy, while ignoring the canonical role of the bishop and mass media's leading role, becomes a dominant idea in the clergy's life until the Revolution of 1917. These democratic representations in the Ryazan diocesan press were not called “sobornost” anymore but were political in nature. For utilitarian purposes, the state power supported such aspirations of the clergy during the 1912 election campaign to the State Duma. The clergy had the opportunity to realize their political views during the February Revolution of 1917 and fully supported it. Diocesan bishops were expelled, each parish was considered as a separate “local church”. The clergy sought to remain unelected and beyond the control of the parishioners, although they themselves insisted on electing diocesan bishops. However, parishioners turned their backs on their pastors. Some clergy were expelled from parishes, others limited the level of fees for services. Representatives of the laity and lower clergy drove the clergy out of elected parish and diocesan authorities. As the revolution developed and the country descended into chaos, the clergy, who had taken part in these processes, did not accept their share of responsibility for what was happening; on the contrary — they blamed the “ignorant” people for the church trials.

The Noble American Science of Imperial Relations and Its Laws of Race Development

2010 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 909-938 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Vitalis
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Community Or ◽  
American Science ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The Government ◽  
Twentieth Century America

Political scientists in early-twentieth-century America who traced the nineteenth-century origins of their field pointed to the British theorist and statesmen, George Cornewall Lewis (1806–1863). His best-known work is An Essay on the Government of Dependencies (1841). Lewis defined the science of politics as comprising three parts: the nature of the relation between a sovereign government and its subjects, the relation between the sovereign governments of independent communities, and “the relation of a dominant and a dependent community; or, in other words, the relation of supremacy and dependence.” Modern writers, however, had not yet taken up the nature of the political relation of supremacy and dependency in any systematic way.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

Palestinian Diaspora Communities in Latin America and Palestinian Statehood

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
South America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Right

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.

The Scope and Content of Section 75(1)(a) of the Zimbabwean Constitution: An International Law Approach

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiedza Simbo
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Education System ◽  
Basic Education ◽  
The State ◽  
Education Act ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Basic Education System

Despite the recent enactment of the Zimbabwean Constitution which provides for the right to basic education, complaints, reminiscent of a failed basic education system, have marred the education system in Zimbabwe. Notwithstanding glaring violations of the right to basic education by the government, no person has taken the government to court for failure to comply with its section 75(1)(a) constitutional obligations, and neither has the government conceded any failures or wrongdoings. Two ultimate questions arise: Does the state know what compliance with section 75(1)(a) entails? And do the citizens know the scope and content of their rights as provided for by section 75(1)(a) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe? Whilst it is progressive that the Education Act of Zimbabwe as amended in 2020 has addressed some aspects relating to section 75(1)(a) of the Constitution, it has still not provided an international law compliant scope and content of the right to basic education neither have any clarifications been provided by the courts. Using an international law approach, this article suggests what the scope and content of section 75(1)(a) might be.

THE VALUE OF LOVE IN THE SYSTEM OF FORMATION OF THE PROFESSIONAL MATURITY OF THE EDUCATOR

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10(79)) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
G. Bubyreva
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
The State ◽  
Educational Process ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Right

The existing legislation determines the education as "an integral and focused process of teaching and upbringing, which represents a socially important value and shall be implemented so as to meet the interests of the individual, the family, the society and the state". However, even in this part, the meaning of the notion ‘socially significant benefit is not specified and allows for a wide range of interpretation [2]. Yet the more inconcrete is the answer to the question – "who and how should determine the interests of the individual, the family and even the state?" The national doctrine of education in the Russian Federation, which determined the goals of teaching and upbringing, the ways to attain them by means of the state policy regulating the field of education, the target achievements of the development of the educational system for the period up to 2025, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of October 4, 2000 #751, was abrogated by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of March 29, 2014 #245 [7]. The new doctrine has not been developed so far. The RAE Academician A.B. Khutorsky believes that the absence of the national doctrine of education presents a threat to national security and a violation of the right of citizens to quality education. Accordingly, the teacher has to solve the problem of achieving the harmony of interests of the individual, the family, the society and the government on their own, which, however, judging by the officially published results, is the task that exceeds the abilities of the participants of the educational process.  The particular concern about the results of the patriotic upbringing served as a basis for the legislative initiative of the RF President V. V. Putin, who introduced the project of an amendment to the Law of RF "About Education of the Russian Federation" to the State Duma in 2020, regarding the quality of patriotic upbringing [3]. Patriotism, considered by the President of RF V. V. Putin as the only possible idea to unite the nation is "THE FEELING OF LOVE OF THE MOTHERLAND" and the readiness for every sacrifice and heroic deed for the sake of the interests of your Motherland. However, the practicing educators experience shortfalls in efficient methodologies of patriotic upbringing, which should let them bring up citizens, loving their Motherland more than themselves. The article is dedicated to solution to this problem based on the Value-sense paradigm of upbringing educational dynasty of the Kurbatovs [15].

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