scholarly journals Ethnic Identity and Local Politics: Study on Regional Head Election in Merauke Regency 2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 198
Author(s):  
Misran Alfarabi ◽  
Wahdania Suardi ◽  
Zuly Qodir
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Analytical Approach ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Online Media ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Right ◽  
Ethnicity Data

In the Regional Head Election of Merauke Regency, there was a contestation between tribes to win the candidate. In this contestation, there was a conflict between ethnic groups, namely the indigenous Papuans and migrants. This study aims to discuss the political struggle of the Merauke Regency to get political support through entities. This study uses an analytical approach to research from several emerging factors such as ethnicity. Data collection was obtained from online media reporting writers, interview websites, and research reports. This study found that identity cannot be separated in the Merauke district, where politics is considered to have its positives and negatives. The positive is to ensure that ethnic immigrants in the Merauke district respect indigenous peoples as owners of territory. The negative is that there is no right to become regent for the immigrant tribes in the Merauke district even though they have fulfilled the requirements as a leader. There are no rules regarding who has the right to lead in special autonomy in the Papua region. This case raises many things related to Papuans in Indonesia in particular.Pada Pemilihan Kepala daerah Kabupaten Merauke terjadi kontestasi antar suku untuk memenangkan kandidatnya. Pada kontestasi ini terjadi konflik antar suku yaitu suku asli papua dan suku pendatang Penelitian ini bertujuan membahas pertarungan politik kabupaten Merauke untuk mendapatkan dukungan politik melaui entnisitas. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan penelitian analitis dari beberapa factor yang muncul seperti etnisitas. Pengumpulan data diperoleh penulis dari pemberitaan media online, website wawancara, dan laporan riset. Penelitian ini menemukan identitas tidak dapat terlepas di kabupaten Merauke dengan politik dianggap memiliki positif dan negatifnya. Positifnya adalah memastikan bahwa suku pendatang yang berada di kabupaten Merauke menghargai masyarakat adat sebagai pemilik atas wilayah. Negatifnya adalah tidak adanya hak untuk menjadi bupati bagi suku pendatang yang ada dikabupaten Merauke meskipun telah memenuhi syarat sebagai seorang pemimpin. Tidak adanya aturan terkait siapa yang berhak memimpin dalam otonomi khusus di wilayah papua. Kasus ini memunculkan banyak penafsiran terkait kekhususan orang-orang papua di Indonesia.

scholarly journals Images of A.F. Kerensky and the Political Struggle in 1917 (based on the newspapers of A.A. Suvorin)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 834-883
Author(s):  
Boris I. Kolonitskii
Keyword(s):  
Visual Images ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Personal Authority ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Cultural Forms ◽  
The Right

The article examines the cultural forms of legitimation / delegitimation of authority of the Provisional Government. Particular attention is paid to the personal authority of Alexander Kerensky, including rhetorical (persuasive) devices and visual images which underlay the tactics of praising or condemning him. As the main source, the article uses the newspapers of A.A. Suvorin, namely Malen'kaya gazeta [Little newspaper], Narodnaya gazeta [People’s newspaper], Rus' [Rus], Novaya Rus' [New Rus]. These newspapers are compared with resolutions, letters and diaries, and with publications in other periodicals. The study clarifies some aspects of political isolation of the Provisional Government in the fall of 1917. By this time, the propaganda attack on Kerensky was conducted not only by the Bolsheviks and other left-wing groups but also by the right-wing and conservative publications. The propaganda of the left- and right-wing opponents was significantly different but they had a point of contact: both of them created the image of the “traitor” who was unworthy to remain in power.

scholarly journals Politics and Indigenous Victimization: The Case of Brazil

2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-271
Author(s):  
Salo de Carvalho ◽  
David R Goyes ◽  
Valeria Vegh Weis
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Structural Violence ◽  
Indigenous Populations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Instrumental Case Study ◽  
Environmental Consequences ◽  
Direct Violence ◽  
The Right

Abstract There is a dearth of criminological scholarship on how the political persuasions of governments affect Indigenous people as it relates to human rights and environmental consequences, whether positive or negative, for Indigenous peoples. To address this gap, we develop a comparative instrumental case study of the policies concerning Indigenous peoples implemented during two political periods in Brazil: the administrations of presidents Silva (2003–2010) and Rousseff (2011–2016) and the administrations of Temer (2016–2018) and Bolsonaro (2019–). We explore the consequences for Indigenous peoples of these leftist and the right-wing governments. We argue that governments of both political leanings victimize Indigenous populations, with leftist governments using structural violence and right-wing governments engaging additionally in symbolic and direct violence.

Le mouvement pentecôtiste chilien et la politique

1978 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Tennekes ◽  
M. Fl. Jacques
Keyword(s):  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Large Majority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Present System ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Past ◽  
Common Position ◽  
The Right

This article is an interpretation of the principal results of a survey conducted in 1971 and 1973, regarding the attitude of chilean Pentecostals towards the political life of their country. On the basis of this study it appears that during Allende's period there was a big difference in the political sympathies between the Pentecostal leaders — mainly oriented towards the right — and the mass of the Pentecostal faith ful — who in a large majority entertained sympathies for the left. In spite of this difference in political orientation, the leaders and the other Pentecostals joined in a common position of condemnation of active participation in the political struggle fought at that time, and in general they adopted an attitude of reserve in regard to anything concerning politics. This lign of conduct was not only caused by a concern about dissension in the ecclesial community, but it was also motivated by the idea that politics, as it existed before the coup of 1973, was morally reprehensible. If this background is taken into account, there should be not too much attention paid to the manifestations of support of the present system of government expressed by many Pentecostal leaders in the past few years. It is improbable that these manifestations reflect the feelings of the mass of the Pentecostal believers.

‘Know Thyself’: What Kind of an Injunction?

1992 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 211-227
Author(s):  
Rowan Williams
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Complex Character ◽  
Disadvantaged Groups ◽  
The Past ◽  
The North ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Self Discovery ◽  
The Right

To be told, ‘know thyself’ is to be told that I don't know myself yet: it carries the assumption that I am in some sense distracted from what or who I actually am, that I am in error or at least ignorance about myself. It thus further suggests that my habitual stresses, confusions and frustrations are substantially the result of failure or inability to see what is most profoundly true of me: the complex character of my injuries or traumas, the distinctive potential given me by my history and temperament. I conceal my true feelings from my knowing self; I am content to accept the ways in which other people define me, and so fail to ‘take my own authority’ and decide for myself who or what I shall be. The therapy-orientated culture of the North Atlantic world in the past couple of decades has increasingly taken this picture as foundational, looking to ‘self-discovery’ or ‘self-realization’ as the precondition of moral and mental welfare. And the sense of individual alienation from a true and authoritative selfhood mirrors the political struggle for the right of hitherto disadvantaged groups, especially non-white and non-male, to establish their own self-definition. The rhetoric of discovering a true but buried identity spreads over both private and political spheres. The slogan of the earliest generation of articulate feminists, ‘The personal is the political’, expresses the recognition of how this connection might be made.

scholarly journals Rights, citizenship and political struggle

2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy Aitchison
Keyword(s):  
Vital Role ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Critical Examination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structural Barriers ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Take Back ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The Right

This paper adds a new perspective to recent debates about the political nature of rights through attention to their distinctive role within social movement practices of moral critique and social struggle. The paper proceeds through a critical examination of the Political Constitutionalist theories of rights politics proposed by Jeremy Waldron and Richard Bellamy. While political constitutionalists are correct to argue that rights are ‘contestable’ and require democratic justification, they construe political activity almost exclusively with reference to voting, parties and parliamentary law-making, neglecting the vital role rights play in political struggle outside and against the official institutions of democratic citizenship. In contrast to the political constitutionalist stress on the patient and reciprocal negotiation of rights within formal electoral processes, this paper locates the political nature of rights in their conflictual logic as ‘claims’ in multiple spheres that function to mobilise oppositional support against powerful adversaries and challenge dominant understandings. An activist citizenship of rights is frequently necessary, it argues, given the structural barriers of power and inequality that distort legislative decision-making and lead to the denial of fundamental moral entitlements to less powerful groups. The paper provides an illustration of activist citizenship taken from a contemporary squatting movement centred around the right to housing, Take Back the Land. In exercising the moral right to housing, for which they demand political recognition, through the occupation of vacant buildings, the practices of Take Back the Land reflect the conflictual dimension of rights as claims in keeping with their historical role in empowering subordinate groups to challenge unjust relations of power and inequality.

The Politics of Diversity: Integration in an Era of Political and Legal Uncertainty

2013 ◽  
Vol 115 (11) ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Sarah Diem ◽  
Erica Frankenberg
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
School Districts ◽  
Data Collection ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Demographic Data ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Jefferson County ◽  
Legal Uncertainty

Background The demographic landscape in the United States has shifted dramatically since Brown v. Board of Education, leading to more complex diversity in many school districts than the diversity contemplated nearly 60 years ago. Desegregation research has shown that countywide districts are better able to maintain diverse schools, have less White flight where enclaves do not exist, and maintain political support for high-quality, equitable schools in ways very different from the politics that exist in metropolitan areas in which city schools are separate from neighboring suburbs. While demographic diversity may provide an advantage in accomplishing integration (or allow for the possibility), as court oversight for desegregation fades, it is unclear whether the advantage of countywide districts will persist if this diversity results in more political opposition to pursuing voluntary integration. Purpose This article explores the diversity policies and politics of two countywide school districts in the South experiencing enclave growth at a time of legal and political ambiguity: Jefferson County Public Schools (JCPS) and the Wake County Public Schools System (WCPSS). Both districts’ voluntary desegregation efforts have been highly publicized as they are increasingly being affected by changing demographics and local politics. In this article, we seek to analyze how demographic change influences public support for and implementation of the districts’ diversity policies. We also examine how political debates around diversity have shifted in response to the changing legal context and enclave formation in both districts. Data Collection and Analysis Data collection in our two case study sites focuses on similar variables in each. As this article focuses on our initial investigation of the two school districts, laying the groundwork for our future empirical research, our analysis is primarily based on data collected from each school district's website describing the diversity policies, demographic data trends within the district and community, as well as information on school board representation. We also used publicly available data from local, state, and federal data sources, including the American Community Survey and the 2010 Census, media articles from local newspapers (The Courier-Journal in Louisville and The News & Observer in Raleigh), legal documents such as court filings, and policy documents from the district. Through the document analysis, at each site we examined: (1) activities by district or community leaders to promote policies aimed at maintaining diversity; (2) any legal action and/or response affecting diversity policies, particularly the development of new suburban enclaves; and (3) past, present, and projected effects of diversity policies. Conclusions Whether JCPS and WCPSS are able to achieve diversity in a time of political and legal uncertainty has yet to be determined. As demographics change, enclave schools and communities increase, politics and policymaking become more and more influenced by politically savvy parents, and the future of diversity plans remains uncertain. However, the case for and benefits of integration may be clearer than ever. The question that remains is, to what depths are school districts willing to go to establish and maintain diverse environments that are key to achieving equity of opportunity for all students.

Masculinities, Consumption, and Domesticity during the Perón Era

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Milanesio
Keyword(s):  
Full Employment ◽  
Small Towns ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Eva Peron ◽  
Internal Migrants ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

Supported by a multiclass alliance including the working class and some sectors of industry and the military, Juan Domingo Perón’s government (1946–1955) industrialized the country, modernized and expanded the state, transformed local and national politics, empowered the labor unions, and substantially improved the standard of living. Perón combined a strong nationalistic and anti-oligarchic discourse with concrete material benefits like high wages, the expansion and consolidation of the retirement system, paid vacations, housing subsidies, and full employment that ensured the political support of large sectors of the working population. Like the workers, various other traditionally disenfranchised social sectors took center stage. The very poor became the main beneficiaries of the charities run by first lady Eva Perón; women won the right to vote with a law passed in 1947 and were mobilized and politicized by the Peronist Party; and children were recognized by the government as the true heirs of the new Argentina built by Peronism and thus subject to co-optation and indoctrination. At the same time, internal migrants, attracted by the promises of a better life and industrial employment, left the countryside and small towns in the interior for the cities, propelling a profound process of urbanization. The cultural, social, political, and economic changes that marked the Peronist years had major consequences for gender relations, roles, and identities, transforming the ways of being a man or a woman in mid-twentieth-century Argentina. Those changes profoundly reshaped discursive and symbolic representations of masculinities as well as social and cultural expectations of manhood across different social classes while creating the political, social, and economic conditions that facilitated the transformation of masculinity as a lived, everyday experience.

The Decline of Antifascism: The Memory Struggle over May 1945 in the Polish Parliament (1995–2015)

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 917-940
Author(s):  
Tomasz Rawski
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Symbolic Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
World War ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
The Right ◽  
State Socialist ◽  
Point Of Reference

The article discusses a shift, of the paradigm structuring Polish official memory of World War II and the state-socialist period from antifascist to anticommunist, that took place in the post-1989 Polish parliament. Based on the example of the political struggle in parliament over the memory of May 1945 (Victory Day) that occurred on three consecutive major anniversaries of this event (1995, 2005, and 2015), the article shows how the right-wing post-Solidarity camp dismantled and eliminated the antifascist narrative that was based on a symbolic continuity between 1945 and 1995–2005, respectively, and was promoted by the postcommunists, replacing it with a primarily anticommunist narrative about “two totalitarianisms,” founded on a symbolic continuity between 1939 and 1989. Within this new paradigm, May 1945 was made into a merely formal commemorative point of reference devoid of any symbolic power.

scholarly journals The Articulation of the Indigenous Peoples of Brazil in Facing the Covid-19 Pandemic

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luciana Leite da Silva ◽  
Patrícia Emanuelle Nascimento ◽  
Ordália Cristina Gonçalves Araújo ◽  
Tamiris Maia Gonçalves Pereira
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
Indigenous Populations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Biological Factors ◽  
Scientific Communities ◽  
Indigenous Organizations ◽  
The Right ◽  
Health Conceptions ◽  
The Relationship

This article aims to analyze how the indigenous communities of Brazil have organized autonomous actions and strategies to confront the Covid-19 pandemic based on the articulation among their own historical experiences, their health conceptions, partnerships with scientific communities and other segments of society that support the indigenous struggle. The research articulates the political and theoretical modernity/coloniality/decoloniality movement with indigenous experiences and conceptions of health, body/spirituality and territory. For this task, we adopted an undisciplined methodology based on conversation, solidarity and analysis of discussions, sites, lives, bibliographic productions and official documents prepared by indigenous organizations and partner entities. The research has pointed out that the situation of greater vulnerability of indigenous populations is not only due to biological factors. Also, indigenous people have denounced the invasion of their territories, racism, the lack of sanitation policies, food insecurity, the circulation of people not belonging to the community (missionaries, miners, loggers, army), the difficult access to hospitals and the precariousness of the necessary resources for individual and collective asepsis have worsen the spread and lethality of the virus. Likewise the current indigenous struggle in this pandemic scenario, this article is not limited to a health discussion, yet it aims to contribute to think about the relationship between the pandemic and the dissemination of anti-democratic policies that simultaneously affect the right to health and the territory of these populations.

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