The Political Struggle of the Sama Dilaut within the Context of the Indigenous Peoples, the Zamboanga City Indigenous Peoples Mandatory Representative Struggle and Their Quest for the Assertion of Civil Political Rights

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusuf Roque Santos Morales
2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-327
Author(s):  
Laura Sancho Rocher

The prevailing historiographic reconstruction of the political struggle in Athens during the last years of the fifth century originates from the discovery of the text of the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia [Ath.]. According to this reconstruction, three political options and three political programmes were in effect. These were, on the one hand, traditional democracy and opposing oligarchy; on the other, a new third way, that of ‘the moderates’, who under the leading of Theramenes represents a solution to the stasis. The political program of themoderates is supposed to include the following fundamental items: a return to an ancient constitution (patrios politeia), the reduction of the number of citizens and their political rights, the sovereignty of law, and the recuperation of accord (homonoia) between citizens. This paper tries to highlight the weakness of this interpretation by analysing the difficulties in grasping from the sources this whole program and their adscription to a leader and to a distinctive political group. The misinterpretation was already implicit in the author of the Athenian Constitution, perhaps a disciple of Aristotle. He wrote influenced by the Aristotelian political theory and thereby he interpreted all that he had read about Theramenes, the Five Thousand and the patrios politeia as if the Aristotelian ideals of the mesotes (as a virtue) and of mese politeia (as the best possible constitution) were actually proposed and temporally achieved in Athens by the efforts of Theramenes and his supporters.


1999 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison Quentin-Baxter

This article is an edited version of one of the six papers presented to the International Law Association/International Commission of Jurists seminar on the UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples which was held in Wellington on 23 August 1997. The author discusses the New Zealand Government policy towards the Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. She first identifies key issues of international law, explores the relationship between the Draft Declaration and the Treaty of Waitangi, and looks at some implications of both for the New Zealand legal system and our national society. In doing so, the author focuses on the political rights of indigenous peoples – particularly the principles underlying those rights, not the way they are expressed in the text. The author concludes that most, if not all, the significant changes in the international community and in the lives of nations have been brought about by acts of good faith. Accordingly, it is the author's belief that the end product is likely to be the strengthening of the national societies to which the indigenous peoples of the world belong. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 198
Author(s):  
Misran Alfarabi ◽  
Wahdania Suardi ◽  
Zuly Qodir

In the Regional Head Election of Merauke Regency, there was a contestation between tribes to win the candidate. In this contestation, there was a conflict between ethnic groups, namely the indigenous Papuans and migrants. This study aims to discuss the political struggle of the Merauke Regency to get political support through entities. This study uses an analytical approach to research from several emerging factors such as ethnicity. Data collection was obtained from online media reporting writers, interview websites, and research reports. This study found that identity cannot be separated in the Merauke district, where politics is considered to have its positives and negatives. The positive is to ensure that ethnic immigrants in the Merauke district respect indigenous peoples as owners of territory. The negative is that there is no right to become regent for the immigrant tribes in the Merauke district even though they have fulfilled the requirements as a leader. There are no rules regarding who has the right to lead in special autonomy in the Papua region. This case raises many things related to Papuans in Indonesia in particular.Pada Pemilihan Kepala daerah Kabupaten Merauke terjadi kontestasi antar suku untuk memenangkan kandidatnya. Pada kontestasi ini terjadi konflik antar suku yaitu suku asli papua dan suku pendatang Penelitian ini bertujuan membahas pertarungan politik kabupaten Merauke untuk mendapatkan dukungan politik melaui entnisitas. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan penelitian analitis dari beberapa factor yang muncul seperti etnisitas. Pengumpulan data diperoleh penulis dari pemberitaan media online, website wawancara, dan laporan riset. Penelitian ini menemukan identitas tidak dapat terlepas di kabupaten Merauke dengan politik dianggap memiliki positif dan negatifnya. Positifnya adalah memastikan bahwa suku pendatang yang berada di kabupaten Merauke menghargai masyarakat adat sebagai pemilik atas wilayah. Negatifnya adalah tidak adanya hak untuk menjadi bupati bagi suku pendatang yang ada dikabupaten Merauke meskipun telah memenuhi syarat sebagai seorang pemimpin. Tidak adanya aturan terkait siapa yang berhak memimpin dalam otonomi khusus di wilayah papua. Kasus ini memunculkan banyak penafsiran terkait kekhususan orang-orang papua di Indonesia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 143-169
Author(s):  
Rohaida Nordin ◽  
Muhamad Sayuti Hassan@Yahya ◽  
Tun Faez Fikhrie Tun Asrul Saini ◽  
Nurul Elliyana Abdul Jamal ◽  
Siti Zulaikha Zulkifli

Hak berpolitik merupakan salah satu hak asasi manusia yang diberikan kepada semua tanpa mengira kaum, umur, jantina, warna kulit ataupun agama. Orang Asal juga tidak terkecuali dari menerima hak ini. Orang Asal di Malaysia terbahagi kepada dua kategori iaitu Orang Asli di Semenanjung Malaysia dan Natif di Sabah dan Sarawak. Persoalannya, sejauhmanakah hak berpolitik ini dinikmati oleh Orang Asal di Malaysia terutamanya dari sudut representasi, mengundi dan pentadbiran? Adakah hak yang diberikan kepada Orang Asal di Malaysia selari dengan peruntukkan undang-undang antarabangsa yang sedia ada? Dengan menggunakan kaedah kajian doktrinal dan perbandingan diantara Malaysia dengan Finland dan Norway, kajian ini mendapati bahawa penyertaan politik Orang Asli adalah lebih rendah berbanding dengan penyertaan politik dikalangan Natif di Sabah dan Sarawak. Secara keseluruhannya, hak berpolitik Orang Asal di Malaysia adalah tidak selari dengan hak berpolitik sepertimana yang diiktiraf oleh undang-undang antarabangsa, mahupun sepertimana di Finland dan Norway. Dapatan kajian ini amat signifikan kerana memberi panduan kepada pembuat dasar dan undang-undang Malaysia dalam mengenalpasti sebarang perubahan yang perlu dilaksanakan bagi menjamin hak berpolitik Orang Asal di Malaysia. ABSTRACT Political rights are one of the basic human rights granted to all regardless of race, age, gender, skin color or religion. Indigenous Peoples are also entitled for this right. Indigenous Peoples in Malaysia are divided into two categories namely Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia and Natives in Sabah and Sarawak. The question is, how much is this political right enjoyed by Indigenous Peoples in Malaysia especially in terms of representation, voting and administration? Is the right granted to Indigenous Peoples in Malaysia is compatible to the existing provisions of international law? Using doctrinal and comparative research methods between Malaysia and Finland and Norway, this study found that Orang Asli’s political participation was lower compared to political participation among the Natives in Sabah and Sarawak. As a whole, the political rights of Indigenous Peoples in Malaysia are incompatible with the political rights as recognized by international law, as well as in Finland and Norway. The findings of this study are significant as a guide for Malaysian policy and law makers in identifying any changes that need to be made to safeguard Indigenous Peoples’ political rights in Malaysia. Keywords: Political rights, Indigenous Peoples, Orang Asli, UNDRIP, Malaysia


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


Author(s):  
Mónica Pachón ◽  
Santiago E. Lacouture

Mónica Pachón and Santiago E. Lacouture examine the case of Colombia and show that women’s representation has been low and remains low in most arenas of representation and across national and subnational levels of government. The authors identify institutions and the highly personalized Colombian political context as the primary reasons for this. Despite the fact that Colombia was an electoral democracy through almost all of the twentieth century, it was one of the last countries in the region to grant women political rights. Still, even given women’s small numbers, they do bring women’s issues to the political arena. Pachón and Lacoutre show that women are more likely to sponsor bills on women-focused topics, which may ultimately lead to greater substantive representation of women in Colombia.


Author(s):  
Patrícia Nabuco Martuscelli

Abstract Refugees in Brazil have no political rights. However, problems with family reunification visas in the Brazilian Embassy in Kinshasa was a cause that united Congolese refugees in Brazil. This article analyzes the political articulation of this group in São Paulo. I conducted semi-structured interviews with refugees who act as spokespersons for this movement, and I analysed their strategies of organization, presentation of claims, and political pressure to solve this issue through analysis of documents produced by them and delivered to Brazilian authorities. Even though they had no success, they developed an organizational structure composed by a WhatsApp group for fast communication and periodic meetings in person in the centre of São Paulo. This structure can be used to demand other rights and to continue to pressure the Brazilian government.


Author(s):  
Umberto Laffi

Abstract The Principle of the Irretroactivity of the Law in the Roman Legal Experience in the Republican Age. Through an in-depth analysis of literary and legal sources (primarily Cicero) and of epigraphic evidence, the author demonstrates that the principle of the law’s non-retroactivity was known to, and applied by, the Romans since the Republican age. The political struggle favored on several occasions the violation of this principle by imposing an extraordinary criminal legislation, aimed at sanctioning past behaviors of adversaries. But, although with undeniable limits of effectiveness in the dynamic relationship with the retroactivity, the author acknowledges that at the end of the first century BC non-retroactivity appeared as the dominant principle, consolidated both in the field of the civil law as well as substantive criminal law.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
Rashwet Shrinkhal

It is worth recalling that the struggle of indigenous peoples to be recognised as “peoples” in true sense was at the forefront of their journey from an object to subject of international law. One of the most pressing concerns in their struggle was crafting their own sovereign space. The article aims to embrace and comprehend the concept of “indigenous sovereignty.” It argues that indigenous sovereignty may not have fixed contour, but it essentially confronts the idea of “empire of uniformity.” It is a source from which right to self-determination stems out and challenges the political and moral authority of States controlling indigenous population within their territory.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document