Will the Time of Growth and Development of the Young Republic of South Sudan Come?

2018 ◽  
pp. 91-110
Author(s):  
Tatiana Kochanova

Тhe subject of this study is the young Republic of South Sudan (RSS), the “young” – both in terms of the age of an independent state, and in terms of its demographic potential. RSS, as a member of the United Nations and as a sovereign state, appeared on the world map in 2011, but, possessing super-rich natural resources, has not yet gained sustainable development, moreover, it fell into a deep military-political crisis. Like most countries of the African continent, South Sudan had real demographic capacity, but the authorities were unable to extract any “demographic dividends” from the truly main national resource for the development of the country’s economy, moreover, the number of refugees of young working age is constantly growing. Through the example of South Sudan, which so hard achieved separation of the South from the North and failed to take advantage of the conquered democratic values, the article explores the understudied problem of modification of the consciousness of the younger generation, dictated both by the specifics of the deep historical and cultural tradition of the South Sudanese nationalities and by new trends in global evolutionary processes. Studying the stories from the lives of multi-member families affected during the military-political conflict in the RSS, the author, based on the facts, strongly criticizes the ineffective, even often vicious, youth policy of the South Sudanese government. On the other hand, analyzing the origins, nature, basic traditional moral and sociocultural aspects of child employment in the region, the researcher finds a reasoned explanation of the cause for such a policy of universal child mobilization and tries to define this phenomenon that has not been studied in the scientific literature before. Summarizing the study of the causes of a humanitarian catastrophe in the RSS, the author, in addition to generally accepted factors that influenced the current situation (such as: the intervention of major world financial players in the affairs of a sovereign state, national discord, the struggle for power and resources), also highlights the subjective and not always correct work of the world information agencies and other mass media and, of course, the incompetent state policy of the leadership of the RSS in the Youth Field. Relying on the positive events of the past few months to resolve the conflict in the RSS, the author is still trying to predict in the foreseeable future the time for growth and development of the Republic of South Sudan, with the proviso that it can happen only in case of the inclusion of restraining leverage and expansion of the range of priorities of the main national resource – the youth.

Circulation ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 129 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Feldman ◽  
Cholene Espinoza ◽  
Brian J Beckord ◽  
Niketa Kumar ◽  
William Chaplin ◽  
...  

Background: South Sudan became an independent state on July 9 2011, after having endured two civil wars with Republic of the Sudan lasting 51 years. Over the 51 years approximately 300,000 South Sudanese were abducted and in held in captivity in the Republic of the Sudan. The South Sudanese abductees suffered abuse and deprivation. Presently it is estimated that 35,000 are still in captivity. Assessing the health status of returning South Sudanese citizens immediately after their return is imperative. The aim of this report is to examine the effect of captivity on heart rate, (HR), systolic blood pressure (SBP), diastolic blood pressure (DBP), and basic chemistry panel between men and women. Methods: In March of 2013, an American medical team performed health assessments for 48 hours in the state of Bahr el Gazal located in the northwest region of South Sudan. All returnees received health assessments within four days of their return. Health assessments defined as returnees’ demographics, along with their full history and physical examination. During physical exam height, weight, SBP, DBP, and HR, electrolytes and blood urea nitrogen (BUN) were recorded and analyzed. Results: Analysis was run on 186 participants, 50.5% (94) male, and 49.5% (92) female. Females were significantly younger at age of abduction, whereas men spent a significantly longer time in captivity (Table). SBP and DBP were significantly higher in males compared to females, even after adjusting for Age (p = 0.002, p = 0.036). HR was significantly less in males compared with females, even when adjusting for age (p < 0.001). BUN was significantly lower in females compared to males adjusting for age (p < 0.001) Conclusion: Although a majority of measurements in both men and women slaves returning to South Sudan fell within normal ranges, it is crucial to continue to monitor this group’s cardiovascular health because their deprivation while in captivity may have significantly impacted their health and risk for long term cardiovascular disease.


Author(s):  
V. Yarovyi ◽  
I. Malatsai

The emergence of a sovereign state of the Republic of Macedonia in the early 90's of the twentieth century. revived interest in issues related to the population, history, culture and name of the state itself. The article analyzes the works of Ukrainian researchers devoted to the problems of the history of the modern republic of Northern Macedonia. The main scientific achievements of domestic historians who study problems that are of great scientific interest not only in Ukraine are analyzed. It is emphasized that only at the end of the twentieth century. In Ukraine, researchers began to pay active attention to the study of the historical past of Macedonia. Today we can identify the most researched issues of Macedonian history in domestic historiography. The first scientific works were devoted to the study of cultural relations between the Russian Empire and the population of the Macedonian lands in the second half of the nineteenth century. XX century, the study of the attitude of Western Europe and Russia to the situation of the Slavic population in the Macedonian lands at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. In the works of Ukrainian researchers, much attention is paid to the study of problems that are important for Ukraine – the process of formation of the national liberation movement. The preconditions for the emergence of Macedonian revolutionary organizations in the early twentieth century are studied. Ukrainian researchers are very interested in issues related to the proclamation and formation of an independent state, socioeconomic life and the development of interethnic relations in Macedonia in the second half of the twentieth century. Actively is investigate the causes, course and consequences of ethnic and political conflict in the early XXI century. At the beginning of the XXI century. a new stage in the development of the study of Macedonia in Ukraine began. As a result of cooperation between scientists of the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and Macedonia, scientific collections were published. The similar historical destiny of the Macedonian and Ukrainian peoples is important in the study of Macedonian issues in the historical science of Ukraine.


Subject Humanitarian financing reform in East Africa. Significance Rising refugee numbers and persistent underfunding led the World Food Programme (WFP) in October to cut food rations to South Sudanese refugees in Kenya and Uganda. This is consistent with a global picture of a humanitarian system struggling with the response to major emergencies like the war in Syria or the ‘four famines’ of 2017 (threatening South Sudan, Somalia, Yemen and Nigeria). Over a year after the World Humanitarian Summit promised new approaches to funding, there is little sign that the strain these protracted crises place on the humanitarian system is being alleviated. Impacts South Sudan refugee flows will add to host nation pressures, threatening Uganda and Ethiopia’s exemplary approaches. Shrinking budgets and donors linking aid to national interest may force aid agencies to seek new revenue sources. Expanded cash programmes will disrupt current aid models, as funds go directly to recipients, bypassing large aid providers.


2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 5-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mareike Schomerus ◽  
Kristof Titeca

Since Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed, its border with Uganda has become a hub of activity. Contrasting developments on the Ugandan side of the border with those on the South Sudanese side, the paper draws on empirical fieldwork to argue that the CPA has created new centres of power in the margins of both states. However, in day-today dealings on either side of the border, South Sudanese military actors have become dominant. In the particular case of Arua and the South Sudan-Uganda border, past wartime authority structures determine access to opportunities in a tightly regulated, inconclusive peace. This means that small-scale Ugandan traders – although vital to South Sudan – have become more vulnerable to South Sudan's assertions of state authority. The experience of Ugandan traders calls into question the broad consensus that trade across the border is always beneficial for peace-building The paper concludes that trade is not unconditionally helpful to the establishment of a peaceful environment for everyone.


KWALON ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotje de Vries

The paradox of field research permits The paradox of field research permits This essay provides an account of the way in which permits for field research in South Sudan were obtained. It shows how, despite the fact that the new country did not have a formal procedure for researchers, doing fieldwork at South Sudans borders with DR Congo and Uganda would have been impossible without a few letters of endorsement signed by people within the South Sudanese government. This inherent contradiction is further complicated by a paradox: The security personnel at the border interpreted the letters differently than the staff in the government offices in the capital. The essay argues that the contradiction between practice and procedures and the paradox of variable legitimacies provide key insight in the everyday organization of the state in South Sudan, both in the center and in the periphery.


2016 ◽  
pp. 23-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Grabska ◽  
Peter Miller
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
John Max Chinyanganya ◽  
Johns Mhlanga

The South Sudan conflict which started in December 2013 is now entering its second year with continental and international implications far beyond comprehension in terms of human tragedy in one of the world’s newest nations. Continued fi ghting between the government troops and the rebel forces has displaced more than 1 000 000 and killed over 10 0000 people while a humanitarian crisis threatens many more South Sudanese and their neighbouring states. The war risks tearing the country apart as well as creating a potential humanitarian crisis of epic proportions on neighbouring states. Hence, this article examines the continental and international implications of the current South Sudanese confl ict which has roped in the African Union spearheaded by the Inter-Governmental Organization and the United Nations Mission in South Sudan. It argues that the heart of this post-independence conflict in South Sudan is the personal rivalry between President Salva Kiir and his former Vice President Riek Machar. This study attempts to provide a detailed outline of the South Sudanese civil confl ict by conducting an in-depth investigation of secondary data as well as interviews with military peacekeepers imbued with experience on the ground in South Sudan. To address the conflict, this paper suggests that the international community and the country’s leadership need to focus on resolving this personality-driven rivalry to pave way for sustainable peace in the country  


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Kuir ë Garang

The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army (SPLM/A) has for decades presented a “New Sudan” as its “vision.” But SPLM/A’s official ideology was socialism and its vision a united secular and socialist Sudan. With time, this vision became “New Sudan” and its presumptive guiding ideology became “The New Sudan Vision” (NSV) without any official institutionalisation of this NSV. In fact, “NSV” does not appear in the Movement’s founding manifesto until the revision of the manifesto in 2008 when NSV was incoherently included. I argue, therefore, that the New Sudan Vision was not really an SPLM/A political ideology but John Garang’s ideology. Besides, its immediate disappearance in South Sudan after the death of John Garang and the overwhelming vote for independence was an unequivocal rejection of NSV by the South Sudanese.


Significance Since South Sudan’s conflict entered its most recent phase in July, humanitarian needs have risen. Donors and relief agencies will prepare for another year of a large-scale response, although the plight of the South Sudanese will compete with multiple protracted emergencies for attention and resources. Impacts Refugee-hosting states may leverage refugees to extract funds or political concessions from the international community. Protracted displacement may mean that some people never return to their former homes. The new US administration will continue humanitarian assistance despite potential disengagement from South Sudan.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document