Deportation of Chechens and Ingushs in demographic terms

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (11-2) ◽  
pp. 169-182
Author(s):  
Elena Arlyapova ◽  
Elena Ponomareva

The article examines changes in demographic indicators of Chechens and Ingush through the prism of the 1944-1957 deportation. The authors trace the main trends in the sphere of ethnodemographic development that the North Caucasian peoples came up with at the beginning of the great Patriotic war. The issue of human losses during the deportation was raised. The conclusions about the impact of resettlement on save/change key group properties of both ethnic groups, as well as on the overall success of the reintegration of Chechens and Ingush in a single legal, household, socio-economic, ideological space after the deportation and return them to their homeland.

Author(s):  
Paul D. Escott

This chapter emphasizes the analysis of the wartime forces in both sections that affected unity or division. It raises questions about the roots of the large amount of internal violence or irregular warfare in the South. For the North, it probes the nature of nationalism and asks about that section’s social, political, and religious divisions. Factors affecting both the Republican and the Democratic Parties of the North deserve new attention, as do the role of women in both sections, ethnic groups in the North especially, and the impact of emancipation and racism.


1999 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chulhee Lee

The Civil War was the bloodiest event in American history. For every 10,000 persons, 182 died during the war. Wartime mortality was especially severe for young men; about 8% of all white males between the ages 13 and 43 died (Vinovskis 1990). Among those who survived the war, many were disabled due to wartime injuries. According to the estimate of Claudia Goldin and Frank Lewis (1975), human losses account for 37% and 28% of the direct costs of the Civil War for the North and the South, respectively.A question of perennial interest to social historians is the degree to which mortality during the war varied across economic classes (Murdock 1964; Hess 1981; Lavine 1981; Riggs 1982; Rorabaugh 1986; Kemp 1990; Geary 1991). Starkly put, the question reduces to this: Was the Civil War a poor man’s fight? In a recent study, Maris Vinovskis (1990) suggested that the answer to the question is yes. Vinovskis found that recruits from disadvantaged backgrounds were more likely to die or to be wounded than servicemen who had higher-ranking jobs or greater wealth, presumably because they were more susceptible to disease or were sent on more dangerous missions. However, he didn’t provide evidence of how the socioeconomic backgrounds of recruits affected their susceptibility to disease and military missions. Moreover, since his study was based on a relatively small sample composed of recruits who resided in a single town, it is unclear whether the results could be generalized for Union army recruits at large.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-355
Author(s):  
G. E. Kornilov ◽  

The Great Patriotic war had a disastrous impact on country’s demography. Much available research focuses on the study of human losses in Russia and individual regions, while widely using demographic statistics of state bodies, mainly regional, republican statistical offices and the CSO of the USSR. Their representativeness has been proven, and negative characterizations of registry office statistics (registration of births, deaths, marriages, and divorces) found in modern historical literature has no basis, except in cases where it was not possible to collect complete information. In this study, this corpus of documents is used to analyze reproduction processes in the Molotov region and their impact on demographic structures. Identified new sources (data on birth order, and data on maternal age, which appeared in the concluding period of the war) resulted in methods of demographic analysis (calculation of general, special, and private fertility rates) to obtain new data on the demographic situation in the region and the depth of the demographic catastrophe in which the country found itself in the war, the consequences of which are felt up until today. World War II plunged the country’s population, including territories deep in the rear, into a demographic crisis that resulted in changes in demographic structures, deformation of reproduction, disproportion in the ratio between fertility and mortality, and damage to the regeneration of generations, especially among males.


2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
QING DUAN ◽  
HELEN WANG

The kingdom of Khotan lay 2,628 kilometres to the north-west of the Tang capital at Chang'an. Strategically located in the south-west of the Taklamakan Desert, Khotan was a meeting point of different ethnic groups, languages, cultures and traditions, and was renowned as a centre of Buddhism. With its unique combination of influences, Khotanese society was quite different from that of Turfan to the north of the Taklamakan. In addition to the indigenous practices and traditions that developed in Khotan, this kingdom was always under the influence of major external political powers: Khotan was a vassal kingdom of the Hephtalites or Turkic peoples during the sixth century, came under increasing Chinese influence in the seventh and eighth centuries, was under Tibetan occupation from the 790s to 840s, and thereafter under the Chinese again. The secular documentary evidence from Khotan, written in Khotanese and Chinese, from the seventh and eighth centuries reflects everyday life there, and reveals the impact of Chinese administrative changes on traditional practices.


2021 ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
Е.Х. АПАЖЕВА ◽  
А.А. ТАТАРОВ

В центре исследования лежит феномен бандитизма, под которым традиционно понимают как уголовные преступления, так и политически мотивированное антисоветское вооруженное подполье в контексте Великой Отечественной войны. Методы исследования базируются на анализе советской политико-юридической терминологии 1920–1940-х гг., оценочных позиций и количественных данных в документах и справках. Изучение кейса Кабардино-Балкарии, республики, претерпевшей прифронтовые боевые действия, нацистскую оккупацию и депортацию одного из титульных народов, открывает возможность проследить факторы влияния на динамику преступности и учет ее численности. Авторы демонстрируют противоречия в количественных данных по бандитизму в документах органов безопасности и армейских сводках. Показано, что до и в период Великой Отечественной войны не сложилась четкая грань между политическим бандитизмом и преступлениями против управленческого и хозяйственного порядка, а условия войны в значительной степени политизировали проявления локальной преступности. По мнению авторов, смешение уголовного и политического бандитизма повлияло на структуру и содержание справок о политическом состоянии в национальных автономиях. В случае с обвиненными в массовом предательстве и депортированными балкарцами оценка численности бандитизма сопряжена с рядом факторов – проживание балкарцев в горной части республики, которая традиционно привлекала правонарушителей разных национальностей; влияние планирования депортации на процесс составления документов по бандитизму. Обоснованно то, что в тыловой зоне Кабардино-Балкарии немецкие диверсии не смогли оказать существенного влияния на развитие вооруженного подполья в наиболее активной фазе его развития в 1942–1944 гг. The article investigates the phenomenon of banditry, which is traditionally understood as both criminal offenses and the politically motivated anti-Soviet armed underground in the context of the Great Patriotic War. The research methods are based on the analysis of the Soviet political and legal terminology of the 1920s – 1940s, as well as estimated positions and quantitative data in documents and references. The exploration of the case of Kabardino-Balkaria, a republic that suffered front-line hostilities, Nazi occupation, deportation of one of the titular ethnic groups, opens up the possibility of tracing the factors influencing both the dynamics of crime and accounting for its number. The authors demonstrate contradictions in quantitative data on banditry in the documents of the security agencies and army reports. In view of the fact there was no clear line between political banditry and crimes against the management and economic order before and during the Great Patriotic War, the conditions of the war largely politicized the manifestations of local crime. The authors point out that mixing of criminal and political banditry influenced the structure and content of information on the political situation in Soviet national autonomies. In the case of the deported Balkar people, the accusations of mass betrayal and the estimation of the banditry levels are associated with certain factors – the residence of Balkars in the mountainous part of the republic, which traditionally attracted offenders of different nationalities; the impact of deportation planning on the process of drafting documents on banditry. It is argued that in the rear front in Kabardino-Balkaria, Nazi German sabotage groups did not have a significant impact on the development of the armed underground in the most active phase of its development in 1942-1944.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (12-3) ◽  
pp. 83-92
Author(s):  
Larisa Кhablieva ◽  
Natalia Dzagurova ◽  
Ulyana Tedeeva ◽  
Guara Tuskayeva

The article considers the amount of material damage and loss of the civilian population during the Great Patriotic War in the North Ossetian ASSR (based on primary regional materials). The authors note that the problem of studying material damage and human losses during the Great Patriotic War remains debatable and needs further consideration and analysis of a number of data.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (07) ◽  
pp. 20492-20498
Author(s):  
Aborisade Olasunkanmi ◽  
Christopher Agulanna

This work interrogates federal character principle (FCP) in Nigeria. The FCP was designed to fundamentally address the striking features of Nigeria politics of intense struggles for power among the different ethnic groups in the country between the elites from the North and their Southern counterparts and the various segments, but the practice of FCP in Nigeria so far raises curiosity and doubts. Given the outcome of the interrogation, this research work discovered and conclude that federal character has not indeed achieve its objective in the Nigeria, the study finds that Ethnocentrism, Elitism, Mediocrity, Mutual suspicion amongst others accounts for some inhibiting factors of the FCP in Nigeria. Like many other provisions of the Constitution, the Federal Character principle was meant to correct some imbalances experienced in the past, but it has created more problems than it has attempted to solve. Rather than promote national unity, it has disunited Nigerians. There is an urgent need to use more of professionals and result oriented Nigerians to carry out national tasks, than to use unprogressive people due to this "Federal character" issue. Nigeria should be a place where one's track records and qualifications are far greater than just "where they come from" or their lineage if Nigerian truly want to progress.


2000 ◽  
Vol 151 (12) ◽  
pp. 502-507
Author(s):  
Christian Küchli

Are there any common patterns in the transition processes from traditional and more or less sustainable forest management to exploitative use, which can regularly be observed both in central Europe and in the countries of the South (e.g. India or Indonesia)? Attempts were made with a time-space-model to typify those force fields, in which traditional sustainable forest management is undermined and is then transformed into a modern type of sustainable forest management. Although it is unlikely that the history of the North will become the future of the South, the glimpse into the northern past offers a useful starting point for the understanding of the current situation in the South, which in turn could stimulate the debate on development. For instance, the patterns which stand behind the conflicts on forest use in the Himalayas are very similar to the conflicts in the Alps. In the same way, the impact of socio-economic changes on the environment – key word ‹globalisation› – is often much the same. To recognize comparable patterns can be very valuable because it can act as a stimulant for the search of political, legal and technical solutions adapted to a specific situation. For the global community the realization of the way political-economic alliances work at the head of the ‹globalisationwave›can only signify to carry on trying to find a common language and understanding at the negotiation tables. On the lee side of the destructive breaker it is necessary to conserve and care for what survived. As it was the case in Switzerland these forest islands could once become the germination points for the genesis of a cultural landscape, where close-to-nature managed forests will constitute an essential element.


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