scholarly journals resume hukum tatanegara

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Audi pratama

A.PARTAI POLITIK(Resume )1.terbentuknya partai politikMenurut lapalombara dan weiner,terdapat tiga teori yang menjelaskan asal mulaterbentuknya partai politik yaitu:-teori kelembagaan,yang melihat adanya hubungan antara parlemen awal dengantimbulnya partai politik-teori situasi historik yang melihat timbulnya partai politik sebagai upaya suatusistem politik untuk mengatasi krisis yang ditimbulkan dengan perubahanmasyarakat secara luas-teori pembangunan yang melihat partai politik sebagai produk modernisasi sosialekonomi2.Pengertian partai politikPartai politik merupakan bagian dari infrastruktur”politik dalam negara.berikut inipengertian dari partai politik yang dikemukan oleh para ahli:-miriam budiadjo menyebutkan bahwa partai politik adalah suatu kelompok yangterogrnisir yang anggota-anggotanya memiliki orientasi,nilai-nilai dan cita-cita yagsama.tujuan kelompok ini ialah untuk memperoleh kekuasaan politik dan merebutkedudukan politik,biasanya dengan cara konstitusional,untuk melaksanakankebijakan-kebijakan mereka-Sigmund neumann dalam modern political parties mengemukakan definisi sebagaiberikut: a political party is the articulate organization of society ‘s active politicalagents,those who are concerned with the control of government power and whocompete for popular support with another group or groups holdinng divergentviews(partai politik adalah organisasi dari aktivis-aktivis politik yang berusaha untukmenguasai kekuasaan pemerintahan serta merebut dukungan rakyat atas dasarpersaingan dengan suatu golongan atau golongan-golongan lain yang mempunyaipandangan yang berbeda)-carl j.friedrich :A political party is a group of human beings,stably organized with theobjective of securing or maintaining for its leaders the control of a government,withthe further objective of giving to members of the party,through such control ideal andmaterial benefits and adventages(partai politik adalah sekelompok manusia yangteroganisir secara stabil dengan tujuan merebut atau mempertahankan kekuasaanterhadap pemerintahan bagi pimpinan partainya dan berdasarkan penguasaan inimemberikan kepada anggota partainya kemanfaatan yang bdrsifat ideal maupunmateriil.-r.h soltau mendefinisika

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hasma

Resume tentang partai politik dan pemilihan umum)A.Partai politik dan sistem kepartaianPartai politik berasal dari kata yunani,yakni ‘’pars’’ yang artinya ’’ bagian’’ atau ‘’bagian darikeseluruhan’’ .karena itu partai politik adalah perkumpulan orang-orang yangseazas,sehaluan dan setujuan yang berihtiar untuk memenagkan dan mencapai cita-citapolitik dan sosial mereka secara bersama-sama.Basis sosiologi parpol adalah pada dua hal,yakni: ideologi dan kepentingan yang diarahkanpada usaha-usaha untuk memperoleh kekuasaan.tanpa kedua elemen ini maka parpol tidakakan mampu mengidentifikasi dirinya dengan para penduduknya.Peran penting parpol disamping untuk membentuk struktur sistem pemerintahan yang dianutoleh suatu negara juga untuk membentuk sistem formasi dan kontelasi politik diparlemen.keduannya dilakukan melalui mekanisme pilihan umum(pemilu)yang mengandungasas dan prinsip-prinsip demokrasi secara universal.pengertian dari partai politik yang dikemukan oleh para ahli:-miriam budiadjo menyebutkan bahwa partai politik adalah suatu kelompok yang terogrnisiryang anggota-anggotanya memiliki orientasi,nilai-nilai dan cita-cita yag sama.tujuankelompok ini ialah untuk memperoleh kekuasaan politik dan merebut kedudukanpolitik,biasanya dengan cara konstitusional,untuk melaksanakan kebijakan-kebijakanmereka-Sigmund neumann dalam modern political parties mengemukakan definisi sebagai berikut:a political party is the articulate organization of society ‘s active political agents,those whoare concerned with the control of government power and who compete for popular supportwith another group or groups holdinng divergent views(partai politik adalah organisasi dariaktivis-aktivis politik yang berusaha untuk menguasai kekuasaan pemerintahan sertamerebut dukungan rakyat atas dasar persaingan dengan suatu golongan ataugolongan-golongan lain yang mempunyai pandangan yang berbeda)-carl j.friedrich :A political party is a group of human beings,stably organized with theobjective of securing or maintaining for its leaders the control of a government,with thefurther objective of giving to members of the party,through such control ideal and materialbenefits and adventages(partai politik adalah sekelompok manusia yang teroganisir secarastabil dengan tujuan merebut atau mempertahankan kekuasaan terhadap pemerintahanbagi pimpinan partainya dan berdasarkan penguasaan ini memberikan kepada anggotapartainya kemanfaatan yang bdrsifat ideal maupun materiil.-r.h soltau mendefinisikan mengenai partai politik adalah a group of citizens more or lessorganised,who act as a political unit and who by the use of their voting power,aim to controlthe government and carry out their general policies.(sekelompok warga kurang lebihterorganisir ,yang bertindak sebagai unit politik dengan menggunakan hak suaramereka,bertujuan untuk mengontrol pemerintah dan melaksanakan kebijakan umummereka)-robert k.carr:political party isn an organization that attemps to achieve and maintain control


Author(s):  
Dincer Yarkin ◽  
Aylin Goztas ◽  
Fusun Topsumer ◽  
Nuket Aygen Aygen ◽  
Ozlem Cosan

In the solution of some social and economic challenges where the States, governments become short. The persons or groups that activate in order to maintain their responsibilities to the membered community are called as Social Entrepreneurs. Issues such as poverty, environmental pollution, women and child abuse, human rights violations, unemployment, refugee and immigrant rights and their integration, and minority rights are the main subjects that Social entrepreneurs are involved in finding solutions. In this study, representatives of women's branches of political parties operating in Izmir both in power and opposition were elected by random sampling and in-depth interview chosen as research method. As a result of the interviews, the activities related to social entrepreneurship dimension were evaluated. Findings showed that the political party women's branches have access to resources, and they conduct social entrepreneurship activities to solve problems in a shorter way by removing the bureaucracy as much as possible.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Yorgos Christidis

This article analyzes the growing impoverishment and marginalization of the Roma in Bulgarian society and the evolution of Bulgaria’s post-1989 policies towards the Roma. It examines the results of the policies so far and the reasons behind the “poor performance” of the policies implemented. It is believed that Post-communist Bulgaria has successfully re-integrated the ethnic Turkish minority given both the assimilation campaign carried out against it in the 1980s and the tragic events that took place in ex-Yugoslavia in the 1990s. This Bulgaria’s successful “ethnic model”, however, has failed to include the Roma. The “Roma issue” has emerged as one of the most serious and intractable ones facing Bulgaria since 1990. A growing part of its population has been living in circumstances of poverty and marginalization that seem only to deteriorate as years go by. State policies that have been introduced since 1999 have failed at large to produce tangible results and to reverse the socio-economic marginalization of the Roma: discrimination, poverty, and social exclusion continue to be the norm. NGOs point out to the fact that many of the measures that have been announced have not been properly implemented, and that legislation existing to tackle discrimination, hate crime, and hate speech is not implemented. Bulgaria’s political parties are averse in dealing with the Roma issue. Policies addressing the socio-economic problems of the Roma, including hate speech and crime, do not enjoy popular support and are seen as politically damaging.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Benjamin Moffitt

Abstract How does a political party become ‘mainstream’? And what makes some parties receive arguably the opposite designation – ‘pariah party’? This conceptual article examines the processes by which parties’ mainstream or pariah status must be constructed, negotiated and policed, not only by political scientists in the pursuit of case selection, but by several actors actively involved in the political process, including media actors and political parties themselves. It explains how these actors contribute to these processes of ‘mainstreaming’ and ‘pariahing’, considers their motivations and provides illustrative examples of how such processes take place. As such, the article moves beyond the literature on the ways in which mainstream parties seek to deal with or respond to threats from a variety of pariah parties, instead paying attention to how those parties have been constructed as pariahs in the first place, and how these processes simultaneously contribute to the maintenance of mainstream party identities.


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