Disease, Death, and the Body Politic

Author(s):  
James L. Wilson ◽  
Christopher J. Mansfield

More than a trillion dollars of public money is spent annually on health care in the United States. In order to inform policymakers, health advocacy groups, tax-paying constituents, and beneficiaries, it would be useful to present and analyze health outcome and health-related data at the U.S. congressional district level. Presently, health event data are not reported at this political unit; however, recent interest and advances in areal interpolation techniques are beginning to transcend the inherent limitations imposed by legacy data collection and analyses systems. In this paper, the authors use the dasymetric approach to illustrate how this areal interpolation technique can be used to transfer county-level mortality rate data from several causes of death to the U.S. congressional district level. The study’s primary goal is to promote areal interpolation techniques in the absence of a systematic and comprehensive national program for geocoding health events.

2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
James L. Wilson ◽  
Christopher J. Mansfield

More than a trillion dollars of public money is spent annually on health care in the United States. In order to inform policymakers, health advocacy groups, tax-paying constituents, and beneficiaries, it would be useful to present and analyze health outcome and health-related data at the U.S. congressional district level. Presently, health event data are not reported at this political unit; however, recent interest and advances in areal interpolation techniques are beginning to transcend the inherent limitations imposed by legacy data collection and analyses systems. In this paper, the authors use the dasymetric approach to illustrate how this areal interpolation technique can be used to transfer county-level mortality rate data from several causes of death to the U.S. congressional district level. The study’s primary goal is to promote areal interpolation techniques in the absence of a systematic and comprehensive national program for geocoding health events.


2002 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lanny Thompson

The doctrine of incorporation, as elaborated in legal debates and legitimated by the U.S. Supreme Court, excluded the inhabitants of Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam from the body politic of the United States on the basis of their cultural differences from dominant European American culture. However, in spite of their shared legal status as unincorporated territories, the U.S. Congress established different governments that, although adaptations of continental territorial governments, were staffed largely with appointed imperial administrators. In contrast, Hawai'i, which had experienced a long period of European American settlement, received a government that followed the basic continental model of territorial government. Thus, the distinction between the incorporated and unincorporated territories corresponded to the limits of European American settlement. However, even among the unincorporated territories, cultural evaluations were important in determining the kinds of rule. The organic act for Puerto Rico provided for substantially more economic and judicial integration with the United States than did the organic act for the Phillippines. This followed from the assessment that Puerto Rico might be culturally assimilated while the Phillippines definitely could not. Moreover, religion was the criterion for determining different provincial governments within the Phillippines. In Guam, the interests of the naval station prevailed over all other considerations. There, U.S. government officials considered the local people to be hospitable and eager to accept U.S. sovereignty, while they largely ignored the local people's language, culture, and history. In Guam, a military government prevailed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shiro Kuriwaki ◽  
Stephen Ansolabehere ◽  
Angelo Dagonel ◽  
Soichiro Yamauchi

Voting in the United States has long been known to divide sharply along racial lines, and the degree of racially polarized voting evidently varies across regions, and even within a state. Researchers have further studied variation in racially polarized voting using aggregate data techniques, but these methods assume that variation in individual preferences is not related to geography. This paper presents estimates based on individual level data of the extent and variation in racially polarized voting across US Congressional Districts. Leveraging large, geocoded sample surveys, we develop an improved method for measuring racial voting patterns at the Congressional District-level. The method overcomes challenges in previous attempts of survey modeling by allowing survey data to inform the synthetic population model. This method has sufficient power to provide precise estimates of racial polarization even when survey data are sparse. We find that variation across districts but within states explains roughly 20 percent of the total variation; states explain a further 20 percent of the total variation, and 55 percent of the variation is simply national differences between races. The Deep South still has the highest racial polarization between White and Black voters, but some Midwestern congressional districts exhibit comparably high polarization. The polarization between White and Hispanic voters is far more variable than between Black and White voters.


2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292092231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey W. Ladewig

Over the past twenty years, there has been much discussion about two of the most important recent trends in American politics: the increase in income inequality in the United States and the increase in ideological and partisan polarization, particularly in the U.S. House. These two national-level trends are commonly thought to be positively related. But, there are few tested theoretical connections between them, and it is potentially problematic to infer individual-level behavior from these aggregate-level trends. In fact, an examination of the literature reveals, at least, three different theoretical outcomes for district-level income inequality on voter and congressional ideological positions. I explore these district-level theoretical and empirical possibilities as well as test them over decades with three different measures of income inequality. I argue and demonstrate that higher district levels of income inequality are related to higher levels of ideological liberalism in the U.S. House. This stands in contrast to the national-level trends, but it tracks closely to traditional understandings of congressional behavior.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 117822182093000
Author(s):  
Scott A Reines ◽  
Bonnie Goldmann ◽  
Mark Harnett ◽  
Lucy Lu

Objective: To analyze the rates of misuse - that is, use in any way not directed by a doctor - of products containing oral tramadol, a Schedule IV opioid, from the National Survey of Drug Use and Health (NSDUH), as compared to comparator Schedule II opioids (morphine, oxycodone, and hydrocodone) and alprazolam, a commonly prescribed Schedule IV controlled substance in the U.S. Methods: The NSDUH is a congressionally mandated household survey that collects information on tobacco, alcohol, and drug use, mental health and other health-related issues in the US. A cross-sectional surveillance study design was used to examine lifetime and past year misuse of oral tramadol and comparators of interest among NSHUH respondents aged 12 years or older. Based on when particular data were available, the past-year misuse analysis includes NSDUH data from 2015 to 2017, and the lifetime misuse analysis includes NSDUH data from 2002 to 2014. Results: In 2015 to 2017, past-year misuse of oral tramadol was approximately 4% of the total number of prescriptions, versus 7% to 8% for all of the comparators when adjusted for drug availability. In 2002 to 2014, lifetime misuse of oral tramadol remained at 1.5% or less over the 13-year period, and was lower than reported for hydrocodone (6%) and oxycodone (4%), respectively. Comparison of oral tramadol and alprazolam showed misuse of tramadol was also much lower than alprazolam. Too few reports of tramadol misuse by injection (n = 7) were reported, versus 570, 1096, and 32 reports of injection of morphine, oxycodone, and hydrocodone, respectively, during the 16-year analysis period to allow for any population-based estimation. Only morphine has an intravenous formulation available and tramadol was not available as an intravenous formulation in the U.S. during that time period. Conclusions: This analysis shows a low prevalence of oral tramadol misuse, relative to other commonly prescribed opioids, in a nationally representative sample of noninstitutionalized US residents. Estimates of reported oral tramadol misuse have remained relatively stable over time and are substantially lower than those reported for comparators when adjusted for prescription volume. Reports of oral tramadol misuse are also much less than alprazolam, another Schedule IV drug.


2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
David E. Broockman

Although the presidential coattail effect has been an object of frequent study, the question of whether popular congressional candidates boost vote shares in return for their parties' presidential candidates remains unexplored. This article investigates whether so-called “reverse coattails” exist using a regression discontinuity design with congressional district-level data from presidential elections between 1952 and 2004. Taking incumbency to be near-randomly distributed in cases where congressional candidates have just won or lost their previous elections, I find that the numerous substantial advantages of congressional incumbency have no effect on presidential returns for these incumbents' parties. This null finding underscores my claim that the existing coattail literature deserves greater scrutiny. My results also prompt a rethinking of the nature of the advantages that incumbents bring to their campaigns and may help deepen our understanding of partisanship in the United States.


Author(s):  
Mallory Kennedy ◽  
Shannon A. Gonick ◽  
Nicole A. Errett

As communities recover from disasters, it is crucial to understand the extent to which states are prepared to support the recovery of health systems and services. This need has been emphasized by the United States’ experience with COVID-19. This study sought to assess public health activities in state disaster recovery implementation plans. In this exploratory, descriptive study, state-wide disaster recovery implementation plans were collected from emergency management agency websites and verified (n = 33). We reviewed and coded the recovery plans to identify health-related activities. While 70% and 64% of reviewed plans included activities to address short-term healthcare and behavioral health needs, respectively, one-third or less of the plans included activities to address long-term healthcare and behavioral health needs. Further, plans have limited descriptions of health-related data collection, analysis, or data-driven processes. Additional evidence-informed public health requirements and activities are needed in disaster recovery implementation plans. State disaster recovery plans would benefit from additional description of public health roles, responsibilities, and activities, as well as additional plans for collecting and analyzing public health data to drive recovery decision making and activities. Plans should include approaches for ongoing evaluation of recovery activities.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. e0251502
Author(s):  
Andrés Hernández ◽  
Minxuan Lan ◽  
Neil J. MacKinnon ◽  
Adam J. Branscum ◽  
Diego F. Cuadros

The United States (U.S.) is currently experiencing a substance use disorders (SUD) crisis with an unprecedented magnitude. The objective of this study was to recognize and characterize the most vulnerable populations at high risk of SUD mortality in the U.S., and to identify the locations where these vulnerable population are located. We obtained the most recent available mortality data for the U.S. population aged 15–84 (2005–2017) from the Centers for Diseases and Prevention (CDC). Our analysis focused on the unintentional substance poisoning to estimate SUD mortality. We computed health-related comorbidities and socioeconomic association with the SUD distribution. We identified the most affected populations and conducted a geographical clustering analysis to identify places with increased concentration of SUD related deaths. From 2005–2017, 463,717 SUD-related deaths occurred in the United States. White population was identified with the highest SUD death proportions. However, there was a surge of the SUD epidemic in the Black male population, with a sharp increase in the SUD-related death rate since 2014. We also found that an additional average day of mental distress might increase the relative risk of SUD-related mortality by 39%. The geographical distribution of the epidemic showed clustering in the West and Mid-west regions of the U.S. In conclusion, we found that the SUD epidemic in the U.S. is characterized by the emergence of several micro-epidemics of different intensities across demographic groups and locations within the country. The comprehensive description of the epidemic presented in this study could assist in the design and implementation of targeted policy interventions for addiction mitigation campaigns.


Author(s):  
YangJin Jung ◽  
Anna C. S. Porto-Fett ◽  
Salina Parveen ◽  
Joan Meredith ◽  
Bradley A Shoyer ◽  
...  

A total of 482 veal cutlet, 555 ground veal, and 540 ground beef samples were purchased from retail establishments in the Mid-Atlantic region of the U.S. over a non-contiguous, two-year period between 2014 and 2017. Samples (325 g each) were individually enriched and screened via real-time PCR for all seven regulated serogroups of Shiga toxin-producing Escherichia coli (STEC). Presumptive STEC positive samples were subjected to serogroup-specific immunomagnetic separation and plated onto selective media. Up to five isolates typical for STEC from each sample were analyzed via multiplex PCR for both the virulence genes (i.e., eae , stx 1 and/or stx 2 , and ehxA ) and serogroup-specific gene(s) for the seven regulated STEC serogroups. The recovery rates of non-O157 STEC from veal cutlets (3.94%, 19 of 482 samples) and ground veal (7.03%, 39 of 555 samples) were significantly higher (P < 0.05) than that from ground beef (0.93%, 5 of 540 samples). In contrast, only a single isolate of STEC O157:H7 was recovered; this isolate originated from one (0.18%) of 555 samples of ground veal. Recovery rates for STEC were not associated with state, season, packaging type, or store type (P > 0.05), but were associated with brand and fat content (P < 0.05). Pulsed-field subtyping of the 270 viable/confirmed STEC isolates from the 64 total samples testing positive revealed 78 pulsotypes (50 to 80% similarity) belonging to 39 pulsogroups, with ≥90% similarity among pulsotypes within pulsogroups. Also, multiple isolates from the same sample displayed an indistinguishable pulsotype for 43 of 64 (67.7%) samples testing positive.  These findings support related data from regulatory sampling exercises over the past decade and confirm that recovery rates for the regulated STEC serogroups are appreciably higher for raw veal compared to raw beef samples as was also observed herein for meat purchased at food retailers in the Mid-Atlantic region of the U.S.


Author(s):  
Soo Hong ◽  
Susan Strauss

Media discourse creates and shapes views of personhood, of possibilities, of wellness, and at the same time, these views and beliefs, in their turn, shape media discourse. Broadcasts of health-related edutainment programs and advertisements are rich sources for the discovery of stances concerning health and illness. We examine media discourse in the United States and South Korea, and uncover consistent indexical patterns pointing to overall ideologies of fatalism in the U.S. and optimism in South Korea. Specifically, from an indexicality-based perspective, we identify the patterned ways in which the ideologies of fatalism and optimism are indexed with regard to agency and stance. We provide evidence of the culturally distinct patterns of discourse that construct health and illness in the U.S. and South Korean media. In the U.S., heart disease and cancer are threats, medicines are omnipotent, and physicians, omniscient. “Death” is explicit and medicines and physicians hold it at bay. Korean discourse frames “life” as explicit underscoring efforts by doctors and medicines to prolong and enhance it. Implications associated with public health discourses employing diverse discursive strategies are discussed.


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