scholarly journals The Children of Ludlow: Their Struggle is Our Struggle

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy McGettigan
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
American Dream ◽  
Ludlow Massacre ◽  
The Us

Ever since that dark day, April 20, 1914, what has since been known as the Ludlow Massacre galvanized the US labor movement. Once properly unified, trade unions became strong enough to leverage significant economic concessions from the Captains of Industry. Those economic concessions proved sufficient to buoy the aspirations of America’s middle class throughout much of the 20th century. More than a century after the Ludlow Massacre, post-industrialist fat cats continue their relentless efforts to undermine the working class. If America’s middle class is going to survive this never ending onslaught, then hard-pressed 21st century workers will need to rekindle the spirit of the Ludlow strikers whose sacrifices gave working stiffs a shot at the American Dream.

scholarly journals The Children of Ludlow: Their Struggle is Our Struggle

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy McGettigan
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
American Dream ◽  
Ludlow Massacre ◽  
The Us

The Ludlow Massacre galvanized the US labor movement. Once properly unified, trade unions became strong enough to leverage significant economic concessions from the Captains of Industry. Those economic concessions proved sufficient to buoy the aspirations of America’s middle class throughout much of the 20th century. More than a century after the Ludlow Massacre, post-industrialist fat cats continue their relentless efforts to undermine the working class. If America’s middle class is going to survive this never ending onslaught, then hard-pressed 21st century workers will need to rekindle the spirit of the Ludlow strikers whose sacrifices gave working stiffs a shot at the American Dream.

scholarly journals Islamism, the West and Our Concern: A Social Reflection

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 2403-2411
Author(s):  
TI Aisyah ◽  
Herdi Sahrasad ◽  
Muhammad Ridwan ◽  
Muhamad Asrori Mulky ◽  
Dedy Tabrani ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Theme ◽  
Islamic Fundamentalism ◽  
The West ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Terror Attacks ◽  
The Us

This article argues that a number of Western orientalists tried to impress that Islam and the West could not meet, imaged that all the Islamic ones seemed to be unable to meet all the nuances of the West, as all the western images imaged always contradict Islam. Such tensions continue to this day. Towards the end of the 20th century, Islamism or Islamic fundamentalism has retreated or failed in maintaining political power in the Islamic world. But the enforcement of Shari'ah in society, remains a central theme of the demands of these Islamic fundamentalists. Thus, their target as a group is no longer just a country, but also a society. The political experiments of Islam, however, as shown in Algeria, Sudan, Iran and Afghanistan have failed and are out of date, but anyway, by the beginning of the 21st century Islamism or Islamic fundamentalism has been revived, marked by the WTC bomb 9/11 and other terror attacks in Indonesia, Europe, the US etc.

scholarly journals Små barns livsverdener: Klassespesifikke erfaringsrom?

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kari Stefansen
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Everyday Life ◽  
Parenting Practices ◽  
Limited Attention ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Ways Of Being

Title: Young children’s life worlds: Class specific spaces of experienceAbstract: The significance of class for children’s everyday life has received limited attention in Norway. In recent years a number of studies from the UK and the US have explored this topic. This paper presents analysis from a research project inspired by this growing body of research. It explores classed patterns in parents’ interactions with the institution of formal day-care. The paper also discusses how parenting practices of different sorts contribute to the reproduction of classed ways of being in the world. Special attention is given to the life worlds of middle-class and working-class children, and what is perceived as parallels between these life worlds and parents' class experiences. 

scholarly journals Labor and Dictatorship in Brazil: A Historiographical Review

2018 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 27-51
Author(s):  
Paulo Fontes ◽  
Larissa R. Corrêa
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Future Challenges ◽  
The Military ◽  
Blind Spots

AbstractThis article analyzes recent Brazilian scholarship on workers and trade unions during the military dictatorship (1964–1985), emphasizing the relative absence of studies and the neglect of worker organization. By focusing on working-class agency and the dilemmas the labor movement faced due to the regime's economic policies and fierce repression, this essay offers a better understanding of the political scenario after 1964. The second part of the article examines the themes of the most recent studies about workers and the labor movement during the military regime, emphasizing existing blind spots and future challenges for scholarship.

scholarly journals Laisvalaikio problema XIX a. pabaigoje – XX a. pradžioje: Lietuvos darbininkų iššūkis likusiems miestiečiams

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020/2 ◽  
pp. 61-84
Author(s):  
Juozapas Paškauskas
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Leisure Time ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Late 19Th Century ◽  
Wide Range

THE PROBLEM OF LEISURE TIME IN LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH-CENTURY LITHUANIA: THE WORKING CLASS CHALLENGE TO THE MIDDLE CLASS In the late 19th century, leisure time became an important and publicly discussed topic in modernising Lithuanian society. This article examines how the topic of leisure time was discussed from a wide range of political positions, and how the factor of leisure time became increasingly important when considering the future scenarios of society. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the topic of leisure time, its meaningful activities, and appropriate leisure time-related issues were intertwined with discussions about the development of civilisation, new cultural standards, and challenges to the most important principles of social cohesion. The reason for the debate at that time was inseparable from the main features of modernisation: rapid economic growth, industrialisation and urbanisation, changes in the social structure, apparent features of individualisation, secularism, and the burgeoning of consumer culture. In this article, the author focuses on singling out the most important features of modernising leisure time, when work and leisure become binary categories. From this perspective, the conflict between two important social groups, namely the working class and the bourgeoisie, is highlighted. The article demonstrates how these two groups sought to establish themselves ideologically, not only by showing their right to leisure time, but also by shaping what that leisure time should be. The first group consisted of the defenders of workers’ rights (and in rare cases, workers themselves) presenting leisure time as a precondition for a better life. This assessment was seen as an instrument incorporating workers’ daily life into the rest of modern society. However, with leisure time becoming a universal human value and norm, many leisure practices that workers in the late 19th and early 20th century opted for were problematic for members of another prominent group, the bourgeoisie. In this article, the bourgeoisie, or the middle class, is defined by means of Peter Stearn’s observation that it is useful to include cultural experience, not ‘just change in political or economic structure’. Thus, emphasising the cultural rather than the economic aspect of this social group, it can be stated that, for members of the middle class, ideas of ‘decent leisure’ and ‘appropriate use of time’ were based on the values and skills of self-discipline, order and efficient organisation. In this case, leisure time was recognised as a means of the partial reform of society and national consolidation. Consequently, the issue of leisure time in late 19th-century Lithuania became an intersection where two major social groups, opinions and practices met. On one hand, the question of leisure time is indistinguishable from a utopian, sometimes paternalistic, harmonious vision of the working class and their leisure; other ways, cultural and political attitudes about the dangers of the working class (and, of course, it is most dangerous after finishing work), arose from seeing how many late 19th-century workers chose meaningless, harmful and violent leisure activities. In both cases, the culture of leisure time in late 19th and early 20th-century Lithuania could be seen not as a routine or a temporary escape from social norms, but rather as a process for modern culture to appear in everyday life, contributing to the emergence of new social and cultural identities.

scholarly journals TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE ISLAMIC EXTREMISM AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE “ISLAMIC STATE” (FROM THE END OF 20TH CENTURY TILL 2014)

2021 ◽  
pp. 155-164
Author(s):  
Sargis Grigoryan
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
September 11 ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Deep Roots ◽  
The Us ◽  
Terrorist Acts ◽  
Islamic Extremism

The Islamic extremism has deep roots in the Middle East. They were especially active towards the end of the 20th century and in the first and second decades of the 21st century. They took on a new nature with the terrorist acts against the US on September 11 in 2001. In the mid-2000s new and dangerous trends of the Islamic extremism became evident in the Middle East, which became visible in Syria with the declaration of the “Islamic State” (IS) in 2014.

Millions Standing against Their Own Economic Interest

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mugambi Jouet
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
American Dream ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Religious Fundamentalism ◽  
Economic Interest ◽  
White Working Class ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Blind Faith

Millions of white working-class and middle-class Americans vote against their own economic interest by defending policies that hurt them while profiting the rich, including the 1% wealthiest Americans. Several factors help explain this peculiar dimension of U.S. politics: myopia fostered by anti-intellectualism; the relationship between religious fundamentalism and free-market fundamentalism; blind faith in the American Dream; and how racism hinders economic solidarity.

Class

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Balthaser
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Slave Narratives ◽  
Race And Class ◽  
Working Class Literature ◽  
Social Struggle ◽  
The Us ◽  
Formal Properties ◽  
Abstract Labor

Class is not a term like style that refers to a quality inherent in the literature itself, or genre, that while historically produced, nonetheless is imagined to have formal properties. Class is rather a way of seeing, an analysis of how literature has been constituted by capitalist social relations and also has responded to—and been seized by—working class movements, from the abolition of slavery to the archipelago of movements against neoliberalism in our post-Fordist age. “Class” understands working class literature in a US context, as literature that was once about working class people, from the mediated publication of slave narratives, to the middle class gaze of realism, to its transformation in the 20th century into literature about the subjectivity of working class people themselves. As Hungarian Marxist theorist Georg Lukacs notes, class has both an objective and a subjective quality: workers are both reified as alienated commodities while at the same time perceives their interests as qualitatively different from those of the capitalist who purchases their labor power. Or as Marx put it, “abstract labor” is always in conflict and in contradiction with “living labor,” the real embodied lives of workers whose persons are part of the commodity circulation process. Thus the novels that arose out of the working class revolutions of the 20th century often focus on the first person process of subjectivization, as the working class protagonist realizes their own alienation and strives to transform it in the process of personal and often social struggle. Of particular interest in the US context is the way in which race and class often function as double and mutually reinforcing forms of alienation. At the height of the working class literary movement in the mid-20th century, novels such as Carlos Bulosan’s America Is the Heart and Richard Wright’s Native Son offered engagements with this double question, with Ann Petry’s The Street and Tillie Olsen’s Yonnondio furthered this question with the gendering of labor. In the post-Fordist era, the question of class and subjectivity has fragmented even further, without working class parties and large industrial unions to offer a totalized countervision of working subjectivity. Novels such as Helena Viramontes’s Under the Feet of Jesus and Karen Tei Yamashita’s Tropic of Orange offer a fragmented and transnational vision of new working class subjectivities, while novels such as Philip Meyer’s American Rust pose a reification of whiteness as a way to shore up a declining working class control over their labor and fragmenting subjectivity.

G. W. M. Reynolds

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Humpherys
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Popular Literature ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
The 19Th Century

George William Macarthur Reynolds (b. 1814–d. 1879) was at his death labeled “the most popular writer of our time” by the Bookseller in its short obituary. This popularity rested on two achievements: first, the mammoth twelve-volume series of “mysteries” novels, The Mysteries of London (1846–1848) and The Mysteries of the Court of London (1848–1855), and, second, his involvement with Chartist politics, which led in 1850 to his founding and editing the radical Sunday newspaper Reynolds’s Newspaper, which lasted in some form until 1962. The Mysteries novels were also constantly in print in a variety of cheap formats for most of the 19th century. Reynolds was a controversial figure both among working-class radicals, who doubted his commitment, and among the middle-class literary establishment, which abhorred his popular sensationalist novels. Dickens was probably referring to him as the “draggled fringe on the Red Cap, Pander to the basest passions of the lowest natures—whose existence is a national reproach” in the opening number of Household Words in 1850. Sometime shortly after 1860, Reynolds essentially stopped writing and editing. But the influence of his mysteries series continued, especially in the United States, India, and other countries. His novels fell out of print in the early 20th century; he himself became relatively unknown among historians and literary critics. This neglect lasted until the second half of the 20th century, at which point a number of scholars began to analyze Reynolds’s importance in 19th-century popular literature, politics, and the periodical press, a development that gathered force in the first decade of the 21st century. There is now a G.W.M. Reynolds Society, available online.

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