scholarly journals Hak Asasi Manusia di Indonesia: Menuju Democratic Governances

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
phoenix

Democratic governance requires the existence of good governance, human rights, and democracy. Obtaining the standard of democratic governance is needed by Indonesia to be internationally accepted. Nonetheless, Indonesia’s record on human rights leads to the understanding that this country has to pay high attention to human rights. Five elements can be contested to evaluate the position of Indonesia in achieving democratic governance. Democracy, in general, is often called from the people by the people and for the people, the people as the majority have a voice in determining the process of formulating government policies through available channels. Several elements must be considered in democratic governance, namely, people's sovereignty, majority power, government based on the approval of those who are ordered, equality before the law, and no less important is the guarantee of human rights to realize a democratic government.

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-88
Author(s):  
Irma Garwan ◽  
Anwar Hidayat

Indonesia adalah negara hukum dengan pemerintahan yang demokratis. Pemerintahan demokrasi adalah pemerintahan dari rakyat, oleh rakyat dan untuk rakyat, karena itulah rakyat memiliki kekuasaan tertinggi. Metode pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif yaitu metode dengan menginventarisasi, mengkaji, dan meneliti data sekunder berupa peraturan perundang-undangan, asas-asas hukum, pengertian-pengertian hukum, kasus yang berkaitan dengan masalah dalam permasalahan dalam tulisan ini. dan sistem Presidential Threshold tidak perlu dipersyaratkan dan perlu dihapuskan dalam Pasal 222 Undang-Undang Nomor. 7 tahun 2017 tentang Pemilu, karena Pemilu tahun 2019 dilaksanakan serentak antara pemilihan legislatif dan eksekutif dan tidak ada dan relefan lagi syarat itu, namun yang dikhwatirkan ialah adanya calon tunggal dan ada banyaknya kandidat yang dicalonkan partai politik.   Kata Kunci : Presidential Threshold, Parlementary Threshold, Sistem Pemilu Indonesia is a legal country with a democratic government. Democratic governance is the government of the people, by the people and for the people, which is why people have the highest authority. The approach method used in this study is normative juridical, namely the method of inventorying, reviewing, and examining secondary data in the form of legislation, legal principles, legal understandings, cases relating to problems in the problems in this paper. and the Presidential Threshold system does not need to be required and needs to be abolished in Article 222 of the Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning Elections, because the 2019 elections are held simultaneously between legislative and executive elections and there are no and more conditions, but the concern is the existence of a single candidate and there are many candidates nominated by political parties.   Keywords: Presidential Threshold, Parliamentary Threshold, Election System


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
Slamet Tri Wahyudi

Law enforcement without direction and not based on the three pillars of the justice of law, legal certainty and the benefits to society can break the law anyway even violate human rights. As one of the policies of the government that are not considered mencerminakan the values of justice and disturbing for the people, the government policy that acts of omission or delay in the application of the death penalty. This research is a normative legal normative juridical approach. The data collected is secondary data were analyzed using qualitative methods juridical analysis. Based on these results it can be concluded that in the application of the death penalty there are serious legal issues, this is due to government policies that commit omission or delay in the execution of the death penalty is a violation of human rights as stipulated in Article 28 of the 1945 Constitution. Keywords: Death penalty, Justice, Legal Certainty, Law


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (05) ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
Ниджат Рафаэль оглу Джафаров ◽  

It can be accepted that the classification of human rights, its division, types, and groups, is of particular importance. The syllogism for human rights can be taken as follows: law belongs to man; human beings are the highest beings on earth like living beings. Therefore, the regulation prevails. The right to freedom is conditional. Man is free. Consequently, human rights are dependent. Morality is the limit of the law. Morality is the limit and content of human actions. Therefore, the law is the limit of human activities. Morality is related to law. Law is the norm of human behavior. Thereby, human behavior and direction are related to morality. The people create the state. The state has the right. Therefore, the right of the state is the right of the people. The state is an institution made up of citizens. Citizens have the privilege. Such blessings as Dignity, honor, conscience, zeal, honor, etc., and values are a part of morality and spiritual life. Morality is united with law. Therefore, moral values are part of the law. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought and conscience. Space is about the law. Therefore, everyone has the right to opinion and conscience. Key words: human rights, freedom of conscience, conceptuality, citizenship


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani

Media, Liberty and Politics in Malaysia: Comparative Studies on Local Dynamics and Regional Concernsis based on a collection of twelve academic papers. This book traces the development and progress of Malaysia as a nation that embraces issues of media, liberty and politics as essential parts of its culture, policy and well-being of the people. In between the 2008 and the 2013 General Elections, Malaysians have transformed themselves and demanded to form a more democratic society. Issues of political freedom, human rights, good governance and human dignity have become important and will determine the future of the Malaysian society. Besides, this book also tries to compare democratic practices in Malaysia with its neighbours such as Indonesia, Thailand and Australia, plus the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an organisation to promote democratisation and strong ties between its members. This book is suitable for all particularly the academics, students of politics and international relations, journalists, legal practitioners, and the general public who are interested in the issues of media, liberty and politics in Malaysia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 176
Author(s):  
Rojabi Azhargany

Da'wah regarding Islamic values needs to be done in the community. Including, preaching about the Islamic values contained in the views that are being discussed in the public sphere, including about Human Rights (HAM). Democratic governance requires the existence of good governance, human rights and democracy. Obtaining the standards of democratic governance is needed  by  Indonesia to be internationally  accepted.  Nonetheless, Indonesia's record on human rights  leads to the understanding  that  this country has to pay highly attention  on human rights. Five basic rights in maqashid sharia (kulliyatul khoms) as important basic ideas to be elaborated into values ​​that are included in the effort to realize good governance. Keywords:  Da’wah, good  governance, human  rights, kulliyatul khoms


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Lily Faradina ◽  
Kadek Wiwik Indrayanti

The rights of prisoners have been explicitly regulated in Act No.12 of 1995 on Corrections. The law therein outlines 13 (thirteen) rights reserved for a prisoner while in a Penitentiary. The right to get a wage or premium for the work done is a right that is often neglected in practice in the correctional institution located in our country. This happens because of the stigma of the people who still tend to assume that a prisoner is a party that deserves to be treated arbitrarily because of the crime he has committed. It is this kind of thinking that ultimately also affects officials or prison officers who end up treating incendiary people like humans who are unfit to accept the rights that have been provided by the state. Many inmates are employed in penitentiaries who are not paid for by their employers. If this continues to be done then the purpose of punishment will actually violate human rights inherent in the Prisoners as human beings. However, prisoners must also be protected by their rights as human beings.


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-30
Author(s):  
Judith-Anne MacKenzie ◽  
Aruna Nair
Keyword(s):  
Land Law ◽  

Course-focused and comprehensive, the Textbook on Land Law provides an accessible overview of one key area on the law curriculum. This chapter explains how one person may have rights over land owned by another. It identifies the people who may have rights over Trant House—rights that could be enforced not only against Vernon, the fee simple owner, but also against anyone who acquires the property from him. The discussions cover interests in land; legal interests; equitable interests; legal and equitable interests compared; the multiplicity of rights; the classification of property; and human rights.


1997 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-20
Author(s):  
René Lefeber ◽  
David Raič

We agree with André de Hoogh that the Chechens did not possess a right to external self-determination prior to the massive indiscriminate use oi military force by Russia in December 1994. At no point have we argued or suggested otherwise. Hence, up to December 1994, the Chechen claim did indeed not meet the conditions set by paragraph seven of the Friendly Relations Declaration. However, the Friendly Relations Declaration needs to be interpreted in view of usus and opinio iuris. In other words, one has to analyse how this paragraph has developed in customary international law. According to our analysis of the law of self-determination, the emergence of a right to external self-determination depends on two cumulative conditions, viz. 1) the serious and persistent violation of the right to internal self-determination and 2) the exhaustion of all total and international peaceful remedies by the people concerned to effectuate its right to internal self-determination. These conditions must be deemed fulfilled if the parent state seriously and massively violates the fundamental human rights and freedoms – in particular by an arbitrary violation of the right to life – of the persons belonging to the people concerned.


Author(s):  
Dominikus Dalu Sogen ◽  
Dewa Ayu Putri Asvini ◽  
Detty Kristiana Widayat

Studying the philosophy of law means studying various schools of law. Amongst the variety of legal theories, there are adherents of legal positivism or the positive legal theory postulated by John Austin (a philosopher whose thoughts on law are outlined in a work entitled The Province of Jurisprudence Determined 1832). Are Austin's thoughts still relevant for the practice of law inthe modern era, considering that law is made for the public interest? Is it appropriate for the law to be made by authorities (superior) to bind subordinates (inferior), whereas the people are only in a position to obey the law? In a functioning democracy public participation is important in decision-making by the elected legislators. Presumably, law is not made arbitrarily or unilaterally, but it is supposed to take into account the interest of the public or the interest of the groups it is designed to address. A prominent example currently in the public spotlight isthe dismissal of 57 Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) employees due to their stated ineligibility following their failure to pass the National Insight Test Assessment. For this matter, a judicial review (JR) has been requested from the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court who in the meantime have published their decisions. In addition, there have been recommendations from the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) and the Indonesian Ombudsman regarding the occurrence of human rights violations and maladministration in the transfer of KPK employees to ASN. Where JR's decision by the two judicial institutions is different from what is recommended by Human Right Commission and the Indonesian Ombudsman. Here it can be seen that there are differences in the application of the law with the positive law that applies and is detrimental to the rights of KPK employees.


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