scholarly journals Autonomy and Symbolic Capital in an Academic Social Movement: The March 9 Group in Egypt

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Geer
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Small Group ◽  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
The State ◽  
Academic Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Autonomy ◽  
Political Field ◽  
State Security ◽  
Ruling Party

Qualities that can make activism possible under an authoritarian regime can become disadvantages when restrictions on the political field are eased. Under the Mubarak regime in Egypt, the March 9 Group for University Autonomy, a small group of academics, campaigned against the interference of the state security apparatus and the ruling party in academic affairs and campus life. This article suggests that the group’s survival in that context, and its ability to organize successful campaigns within certain limits, depended on the involvement of highly accomplished academics, some of whom are well-known outside academia, on its practice of a particular type of participatory democracy, and on its focus on institutional autonomy from the state. All these assets became liabilities following the revolutionary uprising of January 2011, and the group has to a large extent demobilized as a result.

scholarly journals POLITICAL POLICE OF KOSTROMA PROVINCE AND ITS CADRE PERSONNEL IN 1826–1867

2020 ◽  
pp. 221-227
Author(s):  
Gennadiy G. Bril’ ◽  
Leonid N. Zaytsev
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Order ◽  
State Security ◽  
The Third ◽  
Successful Career ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article examines the process of origin and formation of the political police of Kostroma Province in the mid-19th century. Special attention is paid to the issue of its staffi ng and the wide use of army offi cers for service in the political police. The chronological framework covers a little-studied period of activity of the political police in Kostroma Province. The authors of the article note that the Highest orders of military ranks that had a special place in the appointment of the headquarters and chief offi cers of the political police. On the basis of archival materials, the main directions of service activities of the highest ranks of the political police in the region are analysed. The article reveals the contribution of the gendarmes’ Corps chiefs to the protection of public order during the period under review. The author reveals the attitude of the authorities to literacy among the lower ranks of the gendarmerie. On the basis of historical and archival documents, it is concluded that the successful career of offi cers was promoted by conscientious performance of their offi cial duties, their «excellent-diligent and zealous service». It is concluded that special attention was paid to discipline among the gendarmes. The political police were independent of other branches of government, and were subordinate only to the headquarters of the gendarmes’ corps and the third division of His Imperial Majesty’s own offi ce. Gaps in the historical and legal coverage of the work of the state security Agency in the province of the Russian Empire at the fi rst stage of its existence are fi lled.

scholarly journals PERLINDUNGAN HUKUM ATAS HAK POLITIK PEREMPUAN OLEH NEGARA

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yosefina Daku
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Legal Protection ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Human Rights Protection ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
The Law

As the law states, Indonesia  provide the protection of the rights for of all people without the discrimination. By the basis of the mandate of the Preamble to the Constitution of 1945 that "a just and civilized humanity," the Indonesian state guarantees of a society that is fair. Political rights granted by the country with regard to discrimination is legal protection by the state against women's political rights. By participating in the convention and recognized in the form of Law Number 7 Year of 1984 on Ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, an attempt by the state to remove the problems in realizing the equality of women and men. Therefore  the  problem  that  can  formulated are: 1) how the legal protection of women's political rights in Indonesia? 2) how the implementation of Law Number 7 Year of 1984 on Ratification of the Convention on the Eliminationof All Forms of Discrimination Against Women Related Political Rights of Women?. The purpose of this study was to examine the legal protection by the state against the ful fillment of women's political rights in Indonesia and the implementation of protection of women's political rights pursuant of Law Number7 Year of 1984. This research is a normative law. The technique used in this research is to use the concept approach and statutory approach to reviewing the legislations and legal literatures. Rights protection as a form of justice for each person more specifically regulated in Law about Human Rights. Protection of the rights granted to women by the state including the protection of the political field regulated in some provisions of other legislation. By removing discrimination against women in it’s implementation still look at the culture and customs which is certainly not easy to do and the state is obliged to realize the objectives of the convention

scholarly journals Cacophony of Contestation: Forms of Voice and the Warsaw Taxi Market as a Field of Struggles

2016 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Serafin
Keyword(s):  
Field Theory ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Market Institutions ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Social Fields ◽  
Taxi Market ◽  
Different Levels

AbstractThis article analyses the political struggles in and around the Warsaw taxi market. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of social fields and incorporating Albert Hirschman’s metaphor of political action as voice, I capture the position-taking of members of the taxi field, highlighting the different levels of involvement in the struggles. By distinguishing between different forms of voice—murmuring, jeering, whispering, hissing, grunting, and shouting—I show that the struggles that shape the Warsaw taxi market take the form of struggles over classifications and struggles over opportunities for exchange. I describe how market institutions are established and contested within the political field; enforced and contested within the bureaucratic field; and interpreted and contested within the juridical field. I thus contribute a field theory that investigates the links between fields and especially between economic fields and the state. This article draws on fieldwork conducted in Warsaw between November 2012 and June 2013.

scholarly journals LYNCHNING: EN SVØBE FOR MENNESKEHEDEN

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
Finn Stepputat
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
National Security ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mob Violence ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Violent Conflicts ◽  
Self Defence

The article explores the phenomenon of mob violence in predominatly Mayan towns in rural Guatemala. Since 1996, more than 100 people have been killed by crowds in rural towns. The victims have usually been young men accused of often minor criminal acts, or representatives of the state trying to protect the victims. The occurrence of mob violence coincides roughly with the area where the army organized civil self-defence patrols during the civil war from 1981-96 as part of the national security counterinsurgency program. The post-conflict transition has paradoxically brought security back to the top of the political agenda as political violence has been substituted and overshadowed by violence related to drug trafficking and other forms of criminality. The article shows how mob violence has been interpreted in the context of postconflict transformations where the elimination of violence and violent conflicts has been addressed as an object of development, and suggests that we, in addition to common sociological interpretations, may understand lynchings as an exclusive practice of communal sovereignty within a transnational political field of politics of in/security.  

scholarly journals Opricznina jako pierwsza rosyjska służba specjalna i jej znaczenie w systemie politycznym

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Justyna Doroszczyk
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Security ◽  
Main Thesis ◽  
Security Service ◽  
Ivan The Terrible ◽  
The Stability

Oprichina is the first security service in Russia. The main aim of oprichnina was to protect the stability of the political system and the reign of tsars. The main thesis is based on the conviction that secret services since Ivan the Terrible are one of the most important factors in the Russian political system. The purpose of the article is to analyze the functioning and the role of oprichnina, its organization, its structure and its main tasks in the context of the tendency of centralization of the state. The aim is to demonstrate that the establishment of the oprichnina initiated the process of forming state security organs as the foundation of maintaining power and implementing the priorities of internal and external politics.

scholarly journals POLITIK MODERAT: Studi Pemikiran Muhammad Sa’id Ramadhan al-Buthi

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Muhammad Wahdini
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Advantage ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Political Conception ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Revolution

This paper discusses the thoughts of Muhammad Sa'id Ramadhan Al-Buthi in the political field. Al-Buthi is a figure that is considered by some to be controversial because it is close to the Al-Assad regime, which in fact the majority of scholars hate the Al-Assad regime which is considered wrong. This paper is the result of a study of several literary literature relating to Al-Buthi's political conception. In this case Al-Buthi places more emphasis on moderation which leads to the unity of a country. His socio-political experience in the struggle over political issues in Suriah led him to very moderate thinking. His rejection of the revolution and more agree with reform because of the comparative advantage of the two. Al-Buthi emphasizes more on how moderate politics he prioritizes the creation of unity in the state of the nation so that its benefits for citizens are met. In addition to his rejection of extreme ways of politics he also placed women's representation as part of a government

Political Theory and Political Theology

2020 ◽  
pp. 248-258
Author(s):  
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde ◽  
Mirjam Künkler ◽  
Tine Stein
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Liberation Theology ◽  
Alternative Model ◽  
Political Theology ◽  
The State ◽  
Carl Schmitt ◽  
The Political ◽  
Pope John Paul Ii ◽  
Political Field ◽  
John Paul Ii

In this article, Böckenförde tries to determine the proper means of conducting political theology. After dismissing juridical political theology in the vein of Carl Schmitt as not so much theological but rather sociological in its discussion of how original theological terms such as ‘sovereignty’ were transposed to the state, people, or government, he turns to two other models: Böckenförde sees a shift away from classical institutional political theology à la Augustine, which explores what Christianity has to say about a state’s status, legitimation, and structure, to what he calls appellative political theology. Immediately concerned with action, the latter manifests itself inter alia as liberation theology and tends to run the risk of dissolving into theologically justified, and ultimately arbitrary, politics. As an alternative model, Böckenförde extols the political theology of Pope John Paul II. By focusing on the words of Jesus and the Gospel and other topics that appear ‘nonpolitical’ at first glance, the pope makes the case for dignity, liberty, and the purpose of man, taking the side of the weak and rejecting violence. In Böckenförde’s view, such a political theology is not about to be rendered obsolete by modernity. Since politics is essentially concerned with relations between individuals and groups, religion cannot avoid being drawn into the political field and raise its voice there as well.

Crimes against the State

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Callie Williamson
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
The Public ◽  
State Security ◽  
The People ◽  
Roman People ◽  
The Republic

During most of the Republic, the Romans viewed only perduellio as a threat to state security. Other threats were dealt with through institutionalised mechanisms of stability in Rome’s political structure, above all through the public lawmaking assemblies. Only when the political system wavered in the late Republic did the Romans criminalise “diminishing the superiority of the Roman people” maiestas populi Romani minuta (maiestas) as a crime against the state. Inherent in maiestas is the authority of the Roman people to negotiate consensus through the public lawmaking process in which the people voiced their commands. During the Empire, the emperor embodied the superiority of the Roman people and through him, as the chief lawmaker of Rome, were channelled the commands of the people. The scope of maiestas was altered to adapt to changing ideas of the state, but the idea that maiestas constituted the chief crime against the state persisted.

Interactions between Environmental Civil Society and the State during the Ma Ying-jeou and Tsai Ing-wen Administrations in Taiwan

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simona A. Grano
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
Ruling Party

This chapter deals with the political repercussions of popular discontent towards several secondary issues in Taiwan prompting a mainstream political formation like the DPP to revert to its early pro-environmental and social justice rhetoric to attract voters for the 2016 electoral tournament; several activists and academics that trace their origins to the social movements’ galaxy were drafted by the DPP upon winning the elections. The aim of this chapter is to verify whether four years later concrete results have been achieved or whether the activists have become quieter after joining the ruling party. This chapter consolidates research on interactions and conflicts between the state trying to exert more influence across several fields and newly emerging/wellestablished social movements under the Ma Ying-jeou and Tsai Ing-wen administrations.

scholarly journals The Political Is Personal: The Importance of Affective Narratives in the Rise of Poly-activism

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-708 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Cardoso
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Interpersonal Relationships ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Profile ◽  
To Come ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Activist Groups ◽  
The Way

There is a considerable gap on how social movements that center around non/monogamies decide to organize and articulate their strategies, as well as how they manage their tensions with other activist groups and ideologies or even the State. In addition to this, the fact that much of the literature that circulates is written in English and in an Anglophone context, hampers the ability of researchers to come into contact with other experiences of non/monogamies. This article gives a situated account of the rise of the Portuguese polyamorous social movement and shows how interpersonal relationships fundamentally shape the way activism is performed, and how archives are also important in establishing the identity of activists and activist groups. Using data from the Portuguese polyamorous group PolyPortugal, and interviews with high-profile activists, I argue that the idea of a politics of relating (the politicized analysis of how we connect and perform a given ethics of connection) is a conceptually useful tool to think about the transformations of contemporary intimacies, but it is also fundamental to think about how activism is done by people and for people – people who relate to one another, who exist in tension.

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